Two years after Winston Churchill called it "the crime without a name," a Jewish lawyer who had fled the Nazis dared to give it one. He called it genocide.
Six decades later, it's not the crime that's debated, it's the name.
In Sudan, 30,000 African villagers have been slain by government-backed Arab militiamen. In the past month, the number of refugees has jumped 20 percent to 1.2 million, according to the United Nations. As the rainy season peaks, relief workers are warning that conditions could deteriorate.
But world powers, including the US government, remain divided over what to call the crisis in Darfur province. The US State Department is expected to decide soon whether it is genocide.
The debate runs deeper than semantics because the label comes with a weighty question attached: If it is genocide, what is the world going to do about it?
US President George W. Bush has called Darfur one of the "worst humanitarian tragedies of our time," US Secretary of State Colin Powell dubbed it a "humanitarian catastrophe," and both houses of Congress, on July 22, voted to declare it genocide.
Eight days later, the UN Security Council threatened "mea-sures" against the Sudanese government if it does not take steps by September to end the conflict. The resolution avoided the words "sanctions" and "genocide."
Raphael Lemkin coined the word in 1943 from the Greek word genos, for race or tribe, and the Latin word cide, meaning killing. Genocide gave definition to a whole category of "acts committed with the intent to destroy, in whole or part, a national, ethnic, racial or religious group."
Its legal definition was coded in the 1948 UN Convention on Genocide, signed by virtually every nation and binding them to "prevent and punish" the crime. Acts of genocide include killing, causing bodily or mental harm, mass rapes, expulsion and other actions aimed at destroying the group.
The Security Council resolution, drafted by the US, condemned violations of human rights ``by all parties to the crisis, in particular by the janjaweed (Arab militias), including indiscriminate attacks on civilians, rapes, forced displacements and acts of violence[,] especially those with an ethnic dimension.''
A US State Department team is interviewing Sudanese refugees in neighboring Chad to determine whether the atrocities that led them there constitute genocide or ethnic cleansing, in which the intent to destroy a group cannot be established.
Meanwhile, the US Agency for International Development has warned that the death toll could reach 350,000 if aid doesn't reach 2 million people soon.
Kristin Wells, counsel to the House Judiciary Committee, said the congressional resolutions declaring genocide in Sudan were ``a political strategy'' to prod the Bush administration to do more.
"The view on Capitol Hill was that the point of the 1948 convention on genocide was to prevent genocide," Wells said. "What's the point of having a special word if it's just for the history books?"
Four US Congressmen have gone further to draw attention to the issue. Democrats Charles Rangel, Bobby Rush, Joseph Hoeffel and Albert Wynn have been arrested for protesting outside Sudan's embassy in Washington.
Many human rights advocates point to the past cases of Rwanda and Bosnia. In the early 1990s, some 250,000 Bosnians were killed by Serbian forces. In 1994, in Rwanda, more than 900,000 people died during a conflict between the Hutu and Tutsi tribes.
In both instances, the first Bush and Clinton administrations declined to call the killings genocide.
"How many people should die before they call it genocide?" asked Amal Allagabo, a Sudanese immigrant in Virginia who said she does not know if relatives in Darfur are alive or dead. "Are they waiting for Rwanda to happen again?"
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