Mon, Mar 11, 2002 page3

• Lawmaker pitches party reform plan

  Nearly two years after taking power, the DPP is still struggling to adjust to its role as the ruling party. To help preserve political stability, the party has been forced to give up several long-cherished goals, among them the fight to scrap Taiwan's nuclear power plants. Recently, an increasing number of party members have questioned the wisdom of restraint and suggested the need for reform. Senior DPP lawmaker Shen Fu-hsiung, dubbed the brain of the party's legislative caucus, has drawn up a reform plan in the hope of restoring the party's morale and dynamism. Shen shared details of his plan to reinvigorate the DPP during a recent interview with `Taipei Times' staff reporter Crystal Hsu

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  Taipei Times: Is the DPP in need of reform?

  Shen Fu-hsiung (沈富雄): The DPP has grown to such an extent that it must transform or it cannot function effectively. As seen over the past two years, the party's headquarters and its legislative caucus did not communicate well with the Presidential Office or the Cabinet.

  

  Senior DPP lawmaker Shen Fu-hsiung gestures during a recent interview with the Taipei Times.

  PHOTO: GEORGE TSORNG, TAIPEI TIMES

  Though differing on how to reform the party, most members share the need to internalize it. By internalization, we mean that the party should revolve around its legislative caucus. This planned change is consistent with the spirit of democracy, as lawmakers won their office through popular elections. Internalization is inevitable for parties that wield substantial influence in the legislature.

  In Britain, for example, the prime minister is also the leader of the party in power. Opposition parties with sizable seats, such as the KMT and the PFP, need internalizing even more, as the legislature is the only stage on which they can carry out their platform. Disagreements arise when the party's leaders are not also members of its caucus, which is the case with the DPP. And the transfer of power has only served to compound the problem.

  TT: What would you suggest the party do to internalize?

  Shen: To achieve that, it is important that the party's top posts be filled by its lawmakers. If this cannot be done, the two groups should at least work at the same office building to enhance bilateral communication. President Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁) agrees with me on this point.

  It is odd for the party to keep departments of international affairs and China affairs when it is in power. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Mainland Affairs Council will carry out the president's policy plans.

  Also, I suggest the Central Standing Committee meet every two months rather than every week. The committee should act as a board of directors and empower managers (party executives and caucus leaders) to run the party's day-to-day business.

  If the president agrees to concurrently serve as the party's chairman, some have suggested giving him the right to appoint members to the committee so he may have a decisive say during its meetings. The committee may then replace the nine-member policy-making task force. President Chen is receptive to the idea and suggested expanding the committee to include Cabinet officials and local DPP administrators.

  I find this arrangement problematic. The larger a panel, the more difficult it will be to reach a consensus. You cannot expand the committee while seeking to suppress divergent views. Personally, I find it ill-conceived to invite Cabinet officials or local administrators to attend the Central Standing Committee forums. Many Cabinet officials are not DPP members and will not necessarily endorse the party's policy stands.

  Local administrators, on the other hand, assign more weight to their constituencies than to the party's smooth running. For instance, Kaohsiung City and Taipei County may disagree over how to divide budget-allocation funds. It is better for the party to stay above provincial disputes when weighing national affairs.

  Meeting less frequently, the committee will be deprived of its importance, and President Chen may find it less controversial to head the party.

  TT: How can the party and caucus better communicate with the Cabinet and the Presidential Office?

  Shen: According to my reform plan, there should be a regular meeting, preferably on Monday evening, between the Cabinet and the caucus -- each side should send no more than three representatives. It is difficult to reach a consensus when more people take part. If pensions for senior citizens is the dominant issue of the week, the interior minister may meet with the chairman of the legislature's Home and Nations Committee to iron out their differences.

  Currently, the caucus convenes Tuesday, when Cabinet officials are often invited to keep members posted on major policymaking moves. Those meetings are usually lengthy and are seldom fruitful.

  Next, I suggest the president meet with the premier once a week, preferably on Saturday afternoon or Sunday evening. The premier should brief the president on his administration for the past week. The president can then instruct the premier on how to enhance his work for the following week.

  If the president decides not to take the party's leadership, he may hold irregular meetings with the chairman. Currently, President Chen meets with DPP Chairman Frank Hsieh (謝長廷) for lunch once a week. According to Hsieh, such meetings are dry and boring, as there is nothing to talk about in the first place.

  TT: Did the nine-member policy-making task force fail to serve as a venue of communication?

  Shen: It has proved ineffectual, as President Chen has admitted himself. That explains why it has been halted for a while. It is not surprising. The participants at the meeting often failed to agree with one another.

  The Cabinet was preoccupied with implementing policies approved by the legislature; the legislative whips gave top priority to their constituencies; and the party was most concerned about fulfilling its platform. Attendees even disagreed on the meeting's venue and frequently complained about not being taken seriously.

  TT: How do you expect the caucus to interact with the Presidential Office?

  Shen: I don't think the president should get involved in the caucus' functioning. He should not have picked the candidate for vice legislative speaker on the caucus' behalf, for example. The intervention annoyed quite a few caucus members.

  TT: What happens if the DPP loses power?

  Shen: If the DPP loses the presidency, it can call a direct election by all its members to decide who its chairman will be, though such a move would go against the principle of internalization. Theoretically, I think the chairman should be elected by lawmakers.

  In any event, to ensure policy consistency, the caucus should hold a meeting to confirm its presidential candidate's campaign promises and make them the party's platform for the next four years after the party wins the presidency.

  The party can then discard its original platform. It is meaningless to keep a platform that stands no chance of being realized anyway. The party's existing platform was written when the DPP was an opposition party. It has proven to be a burden to the Chen administration in the past two years as evidenced by the constant bashing of the president by the opposition parties.

  When the party is not in power, the caucus should adopt a set of policies on its own and push for its passage in the legislature. With this change, both the president and the caucus will avoid making irresponsible pledges on the campaign trail.

  TT: What are the prospects of your party reform plan being approved by the DPP at its upcoming congress?

  Shen: I expect resistance from delegates to the party's congress, as they will be deprived of the right to approve the party's policies. The Cabinet has no preference either way, and the caucus generally backs my package.

  Still, it is up to the president to decide whether he would take up the party's chairmanship. Last week, he appeared quite enthusiastic about the suggestion. But the enthusiasm significantly subsided this week.

  Polls show most DPP supporters have no objection to Chen steering the party, whereas people who don't support the party overwhelmingly frowned on the practice. But it is the opinion of non-aligned voters that concerns the president the most. He may name a close aide to run the party on his behalf if he continues to refrain from party activities in keeping with his pledge during the presidential campaign in 2000.
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