Saturday, 3pm. Trucks decorated with banners proclaiming "Taiwan independence" and "Taiwanese nationalism" depart from the headquarters of the Association for Taiwan Independence (ATI) on Hoping E Road.
To the rhythm of a lively drumbeat, activists atop the slow moving trucks preach their radical vision of Taiwan's independence.
PHOTO: CHEN CHENG-CHANG, TAIPEI TIMES
Every Saturday and Sunday, rain or shine, for the last seven years, the ATI has demonstrated in this fashion.
Somewhat quixotically, the legendary Su Beng (史明), the association's director and a figure every bit as controversial as the goal for which he has fought for a lifetime, says he hopes "the torch can be passed on to future generations, if I can't see the day [when Taiwan achieves independence]."
Su, 83, after spending years out of the public eye, has been in the spotlight recently with the establishment of the Su Beng Educational Foundation and the National Association of the Friends of Lee Teng-hui (
Changing attitudes
Reviewing a long and often lonely battle for Taiwan's independence, he says he has seen significant changes in attitudes since his return to the country in 1993 after spending 41 years in Japan.
"In the past, people would cover their ears or withdraw into buildings in order to avoid the sight and noise of our trucks," he says.
"As times change, however, people applaud us and fight to grab our flyers or pamphlets.
"The seed of Taiwan's independence has been planted in people's minds and, though it is germinating slowly, it is significant."
Su's pursuit of his ideals has not been without opposition. The same radicalism that saw him take up arms for Chinese communism allowed the KMT to paint him as a traitor conspiring to topple Taiwan's government. That radicalism also kept him at a distance from most independence activists.
However, some historians and politicians think otherwise.
"He is a role model who deserves the public's veneration for his unbending spirit in fighting for Taiwan's sovereignty," writes Lee Yung-chih (李永熾), professor of history at National Taiwan University, in his book Su Beng -- a lonely light in a barren field (史明 -- 荒野孤燈).
Former DPP chairman Hsu Hsin-liang (
Su was born in 1918 in Taipei during an era of conflict when most Taiwanese families were restrained by 19th century conventions, although a process of modernization was getting underway.
So it was in an atmosphere of conflicting values that Su went to study at Waseda University in Tokyo -- a school known for its liberal academic training -- in pursuit of inspiration.
It was at Waseda, he says, that his powerful sense of nationalism and his admiration of socialism emerged.
To experience socialism in practice and to protest against imperialism, he went to China in 1942 and joined in the anti-Japanese war effort. But he ultimately returned to Taiwan, disillusioned by Marxism after seven years.
"What I saw and what I had learned at school were two completely different things," Su said.
He said that through its economic system and its revolutionary methods, Marxism aimed to eradicate the weaknesses of capitalism and restore the good qualities of human beings but, "All the Chinese communists did was destroy, re-sorting to the most atrocious means to torture people."
It was also during his time in China that Su came to believe that there was a fundamental difference in national identity between Chinese and Taiwanese.
"In lifestyle, thoughts and values, Taiwan and China are completely different," he would later write.
His distress was intensified upon his return to Taiwan when he saw the nation devastated by KMT rule. In 1952, he organized the Taiwan Army Corps to plot secretly against the Chiang Kai-shek regime. When his plot was uncovered, he became a fugitive wanted by the KMT.
Su decided to escape to Japan to avoid exposing his lower-profile co-conspirators.
Disguised as a worker at Keelung harbor, Su managed to hide among a cargo of bananas, stealing a boat ride to Japan where he claimed political asylum.
His resolve to overthrow the Chiang regime did not diminish. He continued to organize anti-Chiang demonstrations for over 30 years.
To earn a living, he opened a small noodle shop in Tokyo, the building of which served as the training base for an underground staff who carried out his anti-government initiatives. In the 1970s, he was the mastermind of many acts of sabotage in Taiwan such as arson attacks on government buildings and damage to railroad systems.
A man of many talents, he was not just a freedom fighter. A well-respected cook by day, he was a writer by night. His most well-known work, Taiwan's 400-year History (
"It is not enough simply to raise Taiwanese awareness and shape Taiwanese nationalism by appealing to emotions," he says as he explains why he wrote the book.
"A more vital element is to build a solid theoretical basis on why Chinese differ from Taiwanese from a historical perspective, in order to provide firm ground for Taiwanese to oppose China."
Throughout his life, Su has insisted on "revolution from outside the system," for, he says, "Power is like the devil. Once people cling to it, they will degenerate quickly."
Revolutionary ideals
Contributing to the controversy surrounding Su is the fact that when he uses the word "revolution" he does so literally.
In 1998, with the process of democratic reform all but complete, Su said in a newspaper interview, "In order to overthrow the KMT, it is necessary to arm the people with thoughts, organize the masses, accumulate power and wait for the right time to defeat the enemy."
Having experienced the politics of communist China, Su denounces what he calls the DPP administration's "subservience" to Beijing.
"How can you map out an effective foreign policy, or how can you expect US assistance, if politicians and businesses flock to China to shake hands with the leaders in Beijing?" he asks.
Nationalistic to the hilt, Su says the only way to resist China is to do so independently -- ie, without foreign assistance and by eliciting the people's confidence as Taiwanese by fostering their understanding of Taiwan's history.
Su's personal life has had its ups and downs. He married a Japanese woman in China, but was divorced after a short time. Su has remained single ever since, leading the life of a stoic.
"I have no regrets for what I have done, but it is a shame that people think differently from me ? All I can do is follow my own beliefs. To do my little bit to achieve Taiwan's independence is my primary purpose in life."
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