Liberty Times: Regarding the consensus reached at the EDAC to ease the "no haste, be patient" policy, how will the government form a review mechanism composed of business, government and academics?
Chang Chun-hsiung (
TAIPEI TIMES FILE PHOTO
The implementation of the EDAC's consensus is two-fold: things that are in our [Taiwan's] control and things that are not. For the former, the government has sent related bills for the legislature's review. But the latter involves cross-strait negotiations and we should not indulge in wishful thinking [on that matter].
As for the review mechanism consisting of business, government and academics, I have ordered ministers without portfolio to invite related agencies for discussion and submit a report to the Cabinet after a consensus is reached.
LT: Will the government take into account the unsuccessful experience of the "small three links" when it makes future decisions on establishing direct transportation links between the two sides of the Taiwan Strait?
Chang: Taiwan had announced the establishment of the "small three links," which took effect on Jan. 1 this year, in order to promote peaceful and stable cross-strait relations, and to show our sincerity as well. Because these are unilateral measures on Taiwan's part, the content has to be limited to things that are in our control. Expanded measures would require cross-strait negotiations.
Cross-strait negotiations are necessary for establishing the "three direct links" -- direct communication, transportation and trade links across the Taiwan Strait -- as well as for opening Taiwan to tourists from China. If they are implemented without negotiations, they may become a repeat of the "small three links" model. I can't tell when the negotiations will begin. But what's important is for the two sides to negotiate. The negotiation models can also be discussed.
LT: Given Taiwan's domestic economic downturn and rising unemployment, should the government slow down its pace in relaxing the "no haste, be patient" policy?
Chang: The EDAC reached a conclusion for the "active opening, effective management" policy. I hereby appeal to the public not to focus only on the first phrase but also on the second. I believe that the public must understand the importance of effective management and risk management as well. That is why we need to establish a special mechanism consisting of business, government and academic people to review applications and keep an eye on risk management for investment in China as we relax the "no haste, be patient" policy.
LT: The Executive Yuan's performance has often been restricted by the Legislative Yuan. How do you view the difficulties facing the minority government?
Chang: When I was President Chen Shui-bian's (
We cannot effectively solve the difficulties of a minority government unless we first cultivate a new political culture. The consensus reached at the EDAC show that the period of "democratic labor pains" will be over soon. This is sooner than I expected. Thus, a new political culture is already taking shape. Political parties have already learned how to compete with each other. After the year-end elections, they should have even better wisdom for cooperation.
LT: President Chen has said that he will set up a coalition government after the elections. Opposition lawmakers believe that what's in place now is a "caretaker Cabinet." Do you agree with this? Would you be willing to serve as premier if the president nominates you again for the post after the elections?
Chang: There is absolutely nothing called a caretaker Cabinet now. The Executive Yuan is implementing many major policies. This is absolutely not a caretaker Cabinet. "Caretaker Cabinet" should apply to the period after the premier files the resignation of the entire Cabinet and before the president appoints a successor.
As I see it, the government is a team. It is not centered on any one individual but looks to the needs of the whole team. As for the role of the individual, I will not make any initiative to obtain any position. When the president wanted to move me from the post of Presidential Office secretary-general to that of vice premier, I said nothing even though outsiders said that it was a demotion or destroying the secretary-general's "value."
I believe that there must be a readiness to make sacrifices on a team, and not that any one individual only can fill one position. This does not tally with my previous experience. Maybe this moral existed during the KMT era, but in the DPP, people in high positions also have to deal with lesser matters. I don't argue with this, but instead apply my full energy [to these matters].
When it comes to the requirements of the premier, I believe he should agree with the president's ideas and have the same leadership style. At the same time he should also be able to implement the resolutions of the Legislative Yuan. In this way, everything will become stable.
LT: How would you estimate the DPP's performance in the year-end elections? Will the DPP be able to overcome the difficulties of a minority government? Also, will you lead public officials to set up a campaign team and stump for DPP candidates?
Chang: I will definitely campaign for the ruling party in the elections. As long as the officials in the government team do not violate the two principles -- the neutrality of the administration and the non-use of administration funds -- public officials have the responsibility to campaign, and they should do it with all their energy.
As for the situation after the elections, I basically believe that we cannot rule out a situation where none of the three big parties achieves a majority, and I also believe that the DPP will be the biggest party after the elections. Maybe this is my personal subjective analysis, and we have to wait until the results come out, but according to some polls regarding electoral support for political parties, most are united in the belief that the DPP is holding the lead, before the KMT and People First Party. The results of these public opinion polls coincide with the way I see things.
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