India’s economy, so often touted for potential to supplant China as a global engine, is having a hard time getting its arms around inflation. Not that it is too high, but because the pace of price increases is worryingly low. Fixing this would require more than the standard prescription — simply cutting interest rates. The promise of an aggressive and sustained easing is needed, one that brings its own share of challenges.
This would be tough for Reserve Bank of India (RBI) Governor Sanjay Malhotra to get right. Markets already appreciate the need for a change. The rupee is the worst-performing Asian currency this year against the dollar and it on Friday fell to a record low.
Traders attributed at least part of the slide to the RBI’s reluctance to intervene, breaking with the practice of the past few months, as the currency weakened largely because of an elusive trade deal with the US.
The bank’s absence might be a strong signal that a policy shift is in the wings; lower borrowing costs tend to weigh on a currency. (The central bank returned to the market on Monday last week.)
For Malhotra, this could be a Janet Yellen moment. For years after the end of the Global Financial Crisis, inflation failed to pick up in the US and was, in the view of then-Federal Reserve chair Yellen a little too low for comfort. Asked why inflation remained stubbornly low, she in 2017 conceded that it was a “mystery.” Two years later, her successor, Jerome Powell, called the phenomenon “one of the major challenges of our time.” It took COVID-19, massive fiscal stimulus and the supply chain pressures the pandemic uncorked for inflation to awaken.
Humility regarding India’s projections is in order. The central bank’s forecasts have consistently overestimated inflation. A surprisingly low reading for October means forecasts of 2.6 percent for the year to March are already looking out of date. And that call was made as recently as last month. Considering the bank’s target is 4 percent, policy is now way too tight.
The moment calls for boldness. The RBI should embrace the low inflation environment when its committee meets in two weeks.
At the prior gathering in early October, the bank emphasized prudence and a neutral stance, one that neither holds the economy back nor stimulates it.
It is now time to shift to an “accommodative” posture, Bloomberg Economics said. This would tell investors and consumers that Malhotra’s strong preference is to keep cutting. After a period of excessive caution, the RBI should let its hair down a bit. It would also help growth, which has been faltering.
Recognizing that inflation is not the threat it was comes with its own dangers. The rupee is likely to come under further pressure. Sure, the RBI could pair its change in rate outlook with more intervention. This should be restricted to what central banks and finance ministries like to call “smoothing” — not standing totally against the market, but watching that things do not get out of hand. To be more aggressive would risk looking like authorities are conflicted, recognizing the need for easier money, but unwilling to embrace the full implications.
There is more ailing the rupee than the rate picture.
Malhotra recently said that securing a good trade deal with the US would bring money back to India’s currency. The US currently levies 50 percent tariffs on Indian exports, the harshest among Asian nations. Assuming an accord is reached sooner or later, the definition of “good” would be in the eye of the beholder. Southeast Asian nations, for example, got a reduced levy, but agreed to certain US priorities, some aimed at constraining China.
Whatever agreement Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi hatches with US President Donald Trump has to be sold domestically. It could be messy.
The RBI cannot control this, but it can attend to matters on its own patch. Acknowledging the inflation miss is part of that. Doing something about the problem, and adjusting mindsets to avoid repeating it, is critical. This month’s meeting is shaping up as eventful. In that, there should be little mystery.
Daniel Moss is a Bloomberg Opinion columnist covering Asian economies. Previously, he was executive editor for economics at Bloomberg News.
President William Lai (賴清德) attended a dinner held by the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) when representatives from the group visited Taiwan in October. In a speech at the event, Lai highlighted similarities in the geopolitical challenges faced by Israel and Taiwan, saying that the two countries “stand on the front line against authoritarianism.” Lai noted how Taiwan had “immediately condemned” the Oct. 7, 2023, attack on Israel by Hamas and had provided humanitarian aid. Lai was heavily criticized from some quarters for standing with AIPAC and Israel. On Nov. 4, the Taipei Times published an opinion article (“Speak out on the
Most Hong Kongers ignored the elections for its Legislative Council (LegCo) in 2021 and did so once again on Sunday. Unlike in 2021, moderate democrats who pledged their allegiance to Beijing were absent from the ballots this year. The electoral system overhaul is apparent revenge by Beijing for the democracy movement. On Sunday, the Hong Kong “patriots-only” election of the LegCo had a record-low turnout in the five geographical constituencies, with only 1.3 million people casting their ballots on the only seats that most Hong Kongers are eligible to vote for. Blank and invalid votes were up 50 percent from the previous
More than a week after Hondurans voted, the country still does not know who will be its next president. The Honduran National Electoral Council has not declared a winner, and the transmission of results has experienced repeated malfunctions that interrupted updates for almost 24 hours at times. The delay has become the second-longest post-electoral silence since the election of former Honduran president Juan Orlando Hernandez of the National Party in 2017, which was tainted by accusations of fraud. Once again, this has raised concerns among observers, civil society groups and the international community. The preliminary results remain close, but both
News about expanding security cooperation between Israel and Taiwan, including the visits of Deputy Minister of National Defense Po Horng-huei (柏鴻輝) in September and Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs Francois Wu (吳志中) this month, as well as growing ties in areas such as missile defense and cybersecurity, should not be viewed as isolated events. The emphasis on missile defense, including Taiwan’s newly introduced T-Dome project, is simply the most visible sign of a deeper trend that has been taking shape quietly over the past two to three years. Taipei is seeking to expand security and defense cooperation with Israel, something officials