On Jan. 3, one of Taiwan’s undersea cables was damaged about 7 nautical miles (13km) north of New Taipei City’s Yehliu (野柳). The Coast Guard Administration (CGA) identified the Cameroonian-flagged freighter the Shunxing-39 (順興39號) as being nearby at the time of the incident based on an analysis of satellite data and the ship’s automatic identification system signal. Coast guards dispatched to investigate were unable to board the vessel, owned by a Hong Kong company, due to rough weather. Even though the CGA ordered the ship to return to waters off the Port of Keelung, it did not have the authority to enforce the order after the vessel refused to comply, and the Shunxing-39 was able to leave the area.
Compare this incident with the case of the Chinese bulk carrier Yi Peng 3 (伊鵬3號), which is suspected of having dragged its anchor to damage undersea cables in the Baltic Sea in November last year. Based on these events, and the frequency of suspected incidents of sabotage involving undersea cables around Taiwan, it is likely that these episodes are part of “gray zone” tactics or “hybrid warfare.”
However, protecting Taiwan’s undersea cables involves serious legal challenges, and therefore must be handled with caution.
Under international law, the place where the cable was damaged on Jan. 3 is within Taiwan’s territorial waters, so Taiwan has jurisdiction over the ship. However, it is difficult to determine which ship damaged a cable before it leaves Taiwan’s waters. The responsible vessel is often identified by tracing back with the help of identification and tracking systems, but that is all that happened after the damage was discovered. With the suspected ship no longer being within Taiwan’s territorial waters, whether the right of hot pursuit can be asserted at that point is questionable.
Although the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) recognizes countries’ need to protect undersea cables, it does not grant them universal jurisdiction as it does over piracy.
Article 10 of the 1884 Convention for the Protection of Submarine Cables grants a belligerent warship the right of visit — to board a neutral merchant ship — but only so far as to verify the vessel’s nationality.
The 1982 UNCLOS stipulates that states should adopt laws and regulations to punish ships flying the flag of that state or persons subject to its jurisdiction should they contravene the convention. That means a state does not have the executive jurisdiction outside its territorial waters to investigate the sabotage of its undersea cables.
This is also the reason why the coast guards of Germany and Sweden, and the Royal Danish Navy were ultimately left powerless despite their joint efforts to monitor and confront the Yi Peng 3.
In terms of domestic law, the CGA can apply Article 4, Paragraph 4 of the Coast Guard Act (海岸巡防法) to the Jan. 3 incident, but that power is limited to ordering vessels to stop sailing or return to port.
Under the principle of legal reservation, forcibly bringing the suspected vessels back to a Taiwanese port would undoubtedly leave frontline law enforcement officers under legal risk based on the Coast Guard Act.
There are loopholes in Taiwan’s legal system allowing innocent passage. Although the Act on the Territorial Sea and the Contiguous Zone of the Republic of China (中華民國領海及鄰接區法) and the Regulations on the Administration of Innocent Passage of Foreign Vessels through the Territorial Sea of the Republic of China (外國船舶無害通過中華民國領海管理辦法) cover some aspects of innocent passage, these provisions focus only on prohibiting the vessels that exercise the right of innocent passage from engaging in certain behavior, and require notification and permission. Taiwan lacks the regulations on law enforcement, supervision and necessary measures that are truly needed.
This is why many substandard flag of convenience vessels — ships registered in a country other than their country of ownership, which sometimes operate in unsafe conditions — are often seen in Taiwan’s territorial waters, giving suspicious ships the opportunities to blatantly damage undersea cables.
In terms of domestic systems, the maritime security system and management can be divided into three aspects to counter China’s maritime “gray zone” operations: beyond territorial waters, territorial waters and internal waters, and ports.
However, based on Taiwan’s current judicial administrative organization, the three aspects are mainly under the authorities of the Ministry of Transportation and Communications and the Ocean Affairs Council.
In terms of maritime security, the agencies have overlapping or complementary authority and responsibility, but due to a lack of communication and collaboration between them, maritime security and management are dealt with inconsistently.
Of particular concern is the ministry’s recent strategy of outsourcing or privatizing port and maritime transportation management.
From an economic perspective, that is fair, but the implementation of such a strategy ignores the principle that security management should be the exclusive province of state power, which in turn leads to the bizarre situation in which commercial benefit takes precedence over national security.
To prevent the new type of “gray zone” warfare that uses flag of convenience ships to cut undersea cables, the government must pay close attention to the development of the Yi Peng 3 incident in Europe, and how EU countries interpret and apply the laws on international undersea cable protection.
Moreover, as the undersea cables around Taiwan also affect the interests of Japan, the US and European countries, Taiwan must work closely with these countries to further jointly protect undersea cables. The government also needs to address deficiencies in the legal system, and promote the legal integration of agencies to cope with the increasingly severe situation.
Chiang Huang-chih is a professor of international law at National Taiwan University.
Translated by Lin Lee-kai
From the Iran war and nuclear weapons to tariffs and artificial intelligence, the agenda for this week’s Beijing summit between US President Donald Trump and Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) is packed. Xi would almost certainly bring up Taiwan, if only to demonstrate his inflexibility on the matter. However, no one needs to meet with Xi face-to-face to understand his stance. A visit to the National Museum of China in Beijing — in particular, the “Road to Rejuvenation” exhibition, which chronicles the rise and rule of the Chinese Communist Party — might be even more revealing. Xi took the members
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) and the Taiwan People’s Party (TPP) on Friday used their legislative majority to push their version of a special defense budget bill to fund the purchase of US military equipment, with the combined spending capped at NT$780 billion (US$24.78 billion). The bill, which fell short of the Executive Yuan’s NT$1.25 trillion request, was passed by a 59-0 margin with 48 abstentions in the 113-seat legislature. KMT Chairwoman Cheng Li-wun (鄭麗文), who reportedly met with TPP Chairman Huang Kuo-chang (黃國昌) for a private meeting before holding a joint post-vote news conference, was said to have mobilized her
The inter-Korean relationship, long defined by national division, offers the clearest mirror within East Asia for cross-strait relations. Yet even there, reunification language is breaking down. The South Korean government disclosed on Wednesday last week that North Korea’s constitutional revision in March had deleted references to reunification and added a territorial clause defining its border with South Korea. South Korea is also seriously debating whether national reunification with North Korea is still necessary. On April 27, South Korean President Lee Jae-myung marked the eighth anniversary of the Panmunjom Declaration, the 2018 inter-Korean agreement in which the two Koreas pledged to
As artificial intelligence (AI) becomes increasingly widespread in workplaces, some people stand to benefit from the technology while others face lower wages and fewer job opportunities. However, from a longer-term perspective, as AI is applied more extensively to business operations, the personnel issue is not just about changes in job opportunities, but also about a structural mismatch between skills and demand. This is precisely the most pressing issue in the current labor market. Tai Wei-chun (戴偉峻), director-general of the Institute of Artificial Intelligence Innovation at the Institute for Information Industry, said in a recent interview with the Chinese-language Liberty Times