Six months ago, Bangladeshi Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina’s grip on power appeared unbreakable. The ruling Awami League had just won a fourth successive term in an uncontested election, allowing it to remain in full control of the country’s institutions. With journalists, human rights defenders, opposition members and other critics facing politically motivated prosecution, prison, exile and forced disappearance, the country’s continued descent into authoritarianism seemed certain.
However, suddenly student-led protests erupted last month across the country, fueled by outrage over a quota system that allocates government jobs to the ruling party’s allies. The state’s response — a violent crackdown that claimed more than 400 lives — revealed the brittleness of Hasina’s 15-year rule. In scenes reminiscent of the Sri Lankan “Aragalaya” mass protests that ended the rule of the Rajapaksa family in 2022, young Bangladeshis forced Hasina to resign and flee into exile.
Bangladesh is the latest in a series of youth-driven uprisings that have shaken countries in Asia and Africa this year. In February, young Pakistanis delivered a shock result when, defying the military, they voted en masse for the imprisoned former prime minister Imran Khan, giving his allies the highest number of votes and seats in parliament.
The following month, young Senegalese voters reclaimed their democracy in an election that was nearly stolen from them. Little-known tax inspector Bassirou Diomaye Faye was catapulted from prison to the presidency in the space of just a few weeks.
Then, the tremors in June reached Kenya, where protesters, proudly identifying themselves as “Gen Z,” took to the streets to express their outrage against Kenyan President William Ruto’s plan to introduce new taxes on essential items. As in Bangladesh, the authorities responded with lethal violence, killing dozens and injuring hundreds. Ultimately, though, Ruto was forced to withdraw the bill. Now attention has turned to Nigeria, which has been jolted by protests over the rising cost of living.
A new generation is asserting itself in parts of Asia and Africa. Young people are spontaneously forming protest movements and forging rare coalitions. This is the first generation that has not known life before the Internet, and they are using social media not just to announce and livestream street protests, but also to organize and debate. In the process, they are devising innovative tactics, including the use of artificial intelligence and creating new spaces by holding digital demonstrations when the streets are closed off to them. In response, governments have unleashed their own techno-repression, from throttling the Internet to shutting it down altogether.
These movements also are unsettling conventional views of politics, transcending traditional ethnic and political divides, and often shunning traditional political parties and civil society organizations. It is typically assumed that populism and authoritarianism are complementary forces, yet here we see expressions of populism challenging authoritarianism — and by a generation that is proving to be fearless and uncompromising. Far from deterring them, state violence has often hardened their resolve.
Of course, it would be a mistake to overstate this “youthquake” or to generalize across two vast continents. Gen Z protesters are not monolithic, nor are they all idealistic in their ambitions. Like any other age cohort, the young are politically divided. In Bangladesh, for example, the ruling party’s thuggish youth wing, the Chhatra League, was partly responsible for the violence.
While Senegal had a relatively smooth transition, owing to the resilience of its institutions, Bangladesh is on a more uncertain path, with the threat of violence and civil disorder still hanging over the country. Recent reprisals against members of the Awami League and attacks on the Hindu minority show how the taste of victory can lead some to temptations of vengeance.
Nonetheless, there are striking similarities. In each case mentioned above, people between the ages of 15 and 34 constitute at least one-third of the total population. Despite strong economic growth of about 6 percent per year, Bangladesh struggles with 15 percent youth unemployment. Many of these countries are weighed down by heavy debt burdens, using between 20 percent and 60 percent of government expenditures to keep their creditors at bay — a sum that dwarfs public spending on education, health and urgently needed climate action. It is no coincidence that these protests are taking place in some of the most climate-vulnerable countries in the world.
The protests were sparked in many cases by the announcement of new measures that would have inflicted more economic pain on young people — whether it was regressive taxes in Kenya, the unfair allocation of jobs in Bangladesh or the rising cost of living in Nigeria. However, these moves merely set aflame a tinderbox of grievances that had accumulated over decades. Young people are despairing not just the lack of economic prospects, but also their rulers’ greed, the state’s brutality and a general unresponsiveness to their needs. There is an impatience with the status quo. They want to sweep away old, outdated orders and reimagine their political systems.
However, this change would not come easily, nor is it guaranteed. A decade ago, youthful revolts also broke out across the Arab world, toppling dictatorships and rousing hopes for a more just and equitable order. To avoid those failures, the openings this moment has created would have to quickly be seized and built upon — and the dangers would have to be carefully navigated.
Binaifer Nowrojee is president of the Open Society Foundations.
Copyright: Project Syndicate
A chip made by Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Co (TSMC) was found on a Huawei Technologies Co artificial intelligence (AI) processor, indicating a possible breach of US export restrictions that have been in place since 2019 on sensitive tech to the Chinese firm and others. The incident has triggered significant concern in the IT industry, as it appears that proxy buyers are acting on behalf of restricted Chinese companies to bypass the US rules, which are intended to protect its national security. Canada-based research firm TechInsights conducted a die analysis of the Huawei Ascend 910B AI Trainer, releasing its findings on Oct.
In honor of President Jimmy Carter’s 100th birthday, my longtime friend and colleague John Tkacik wrote an excellent op-ed reassessing Carter’s derecognition of Taipei. But I would like to add my own thoughts on this often-misunderstood president. During Carter’s single term as president of the United States from 1977 to 1981, despite numerous foreign policy and domestic challenges, he is widely recognized for brokering the historic 1978 Camp David Accords that ended the state of war between Egypt and Israel after more than three decades of hostilities. It is considered one of the most significant diplomatic achievements of the 20th century.
As the war in Burma stretches into its 76th year, China continues to play both sides. Beijing backs the junta, which seized power in the 2021 coup, while also funding some of the resistance groups fighting the regime. Some suggest that Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) is hedging his bets, positioning China to side with the victors regardless of the outcome. However, a more accurate explanation is that China is acting pragmatically to safeguard its investments and ensure the steady flow of natural resources and energy for its economy. China’s primary interest is stability and supporting the junta initially seemed like the best
Numerous expert analyses characterize today’s US presidential election as a risk for Taiwan, given that the two major candidates, US Vice President Kamala Harris and former US president Donald Trump, are perceived to possess divergent foreign policy perspectives. If Harris is elected, many presume that the US would maintain its existing relationship with Taiwan, as established through the American Institute in Taiwan, and would continue to sell Taiwan weapons and equipment to help it defend itself against China. Under the administration of US President Joe Biden, whose political views Harris shares, the US on Oct. 25 authorized arms transfers to Taiwan, another