US President Joe Biden’s blistering strikes on Yemen followed weeks of warnings to the Houthis to stop attacking Red Sea shipping — or else.
Yet the Houthis continued firing drones and missiles, seemingly goading the US to follow through on its threats. That has raised a question for some experts: Did the Houthis want a war with the US? And if so, why?
Former US ambassador to Yemen Gerald Feierstein is among those who think the US has given the Houthis exactly what they wanted: a fight.
“Absolutely they have been trying to provoke US retaliation,” Feierstein said.
“They’ve been confident that they could withstand whatever we were going to do. They have seen they win popular support,” he added.
The Houthis, who have controlled most of Yemen for nearly a decade, said five fighters had been killed in a total of 73 airstrikes. They vowed to retaliate and continue their attacks on shipping, which they say are intended to support Palestinians against Israel, a popular cause in Yemen.
The US military said late on Friday it had launched another strike targeting a radar site.
After the initial US and British strikes, drone footage on the Houthis’ al-Masirah TV showed hundreds of thousands of people in Sana’a chanting slogans denouncing Israel and the US. Crowds gathered in other Yemeni cities as well.
Experts say much of the Houthi confidence comes from having resisted years of attacks from Saudi Arabia. However, a US-led campaign against the group could be very different.
US Lieutenant General Douglas Sims, director of operations of the US Joint Chiefs of Staff, told reporters on Thursday last week that the strikes hit 28 locations with more than 150 munitions. Reviewing the damage, he said he hoped the Houthis would not invite that kind of destruction.
“My guess is if you were operating a ballistic missile launcher last night, you certainly didn’t want the strike. But, no, I would hope they didn’t want us to strike,” Sims said.
Abdul Malik al-Houthi, the enigmatic leader of Yemen’s Houthi fighters, traces his lineage to the Prophet Mohammed. In pre-recorded speeches and sermons, he asserts that his movement is under siege because of its religion.
Al-Houthi established a reputation as a fierce battlefield commander before emerging as head of the Houthi movement, mountain fighters who have been battling a Saudi-led military coalition since 2015 in a conflict that has killed tens of thousands, devastated Yemen’s economy and left millions hungry.
Under the direction of al-Houthi, who is in his 40s, the group has acquired tens of thousands of fighters and a huge arsenal of armed drones and ballistic missiles, largely supplied by Iran.
Following the strikes, Sims and other US officials acknowledged that the Houthis would probably make good on their threats to retaliate.
On Friday, the Houthis fired an anti-ship ballistic missile into the Red Sea, the Pentagon said.
A US official, speaking on the condition of anonymity, said far from being deterred, the Houthis might see the likely low death toll among their fighters in the strikes as a success for the group, even if their capabilities have been degraded.
“Someone’s definition of success really depends on their perspective,” the official said.
With tensions soaring, the price of Brent crude oil rose 1 percent on Friday on concern that supplies could be disrupted. Commercial ship tracking data showed at least nine oil tankers stopping or diverting from the Red Sea.
Michael Mulroy, a former deputy assistant secretary of defense for the Middle East under the administration of former US president Donald Trump, said the Pentagon should prepare for additional military action.
“The US should start planning to increase our response to further attacks in the Red Sea or Syria and Iraq,” he said.
“And Iran’s IRGC should be included in those targets,” he added, using an acronym for Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps.
Iran champions the Houthis as part of its regional “axis of resistance” — a collection of Iran-backed groups that includes Palestinian militant group Hamas and militia in Iraq and Syria.
The US accuses Iran of enabling the Houthi Red Sea attacks, providing the military capabilities and intelligence to carry them out.
The Houthis deny being puppets of Tehran and say they are fighting a corrupt system and regional aggression.
Still, Feierstein cautions that the Houthi defiance of the US and its allies helps burnish their brand in the Middle East, a concern shared by some US officials.
“Regionally, it raises the Houthi profile. It puts them in the first rank of Iranian affiliates in the ‘axis of resistance,’” Feierstein said.
“We shouldn’t give the Houthis what they want, which is exactly what we did,” he said.
Jan. 1 marks a decade since China repealed its one-child policy. Just 10 days before, Peng Peiyun (彭珮雲), who long oversaw the often-brutal enforcement of China’s family-planning rules, died at the age of 96, having never been held accountable for her actions. Obituaries praised Peng for being “reform-minded,” even though, in practice, she only perpetuated an utterly inhumane policy, whose consequences have barely begun to materialize. It was Vice Premier Chen Muhua (陳慕華) who first proposed the one-child policy in 1979, with the endorsement of China’s then-top leaders, Chen Yun (陳雲) and Deng Xiaoping (鄧小平), as a means of avoiding the
The last foreign delegation Nicolas Maduro met before he went to bed Friday night (January 2) was led by China’s top Latin America diplomat. “I had a pleasant meeting with Qiu Xiaoqi (邱小琪), Special Envoy of President Xi Jinping (習近平),” Venezuela’s soon-to-be ex-president tweeted on Telegram, “and we reaffirmed our commitment to the strategic relationship that is progressing and strengthening in various areas for building a multipolar world of development and peace.” Judging by how minutely the Central Intelligence Agency was monitoring Maduro’s every move on Friday, President Trump himself was certainly aware of Maduro’s felicitations to his Chinese guest. Just
A recent piece of international news has drawn surprisingly little attention, yet it deserves far closer scrutiny. German industrial heavyweight Siemens Mobility has reportedly outmaneuvered long-entrenched Chinese competitors in Southeast Asian infrastructure to secure a strategic partnership with Vietnam’s largest private conglomerate, Vingroup. The agreement positions Siemens to participate in the construction of a high-speed rail link between Hanoi and Ha Long Bay. German media were blunt in their assessment: This was not merely a commercial win, but has symbolic significance in “reshaping geopolitical influence.” At first glance, this might look like a routine outcome of corporate bidding. However, placed in
China often describes itself as the natural leader of the global south: a power that respects sovereignty, rejects coercion and offers developing countries an alternative to Western pressure. For years, Venezuela was held up — implicitly and sometimes explicitly — as proof that this model worked. Today, Venezuela is exposing the limits of that claim. Beijing’s response to the latest crisis in Venezuela has been striking not only for its content, but for its tone. Chinese officials have abandoned their usual restrained diplomatic phrasing and adopted language that is unusually direct by Beijing’s standards. The Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs described the
RSS