The sharp, almost synchronized, pivot by most of the world’s major central banks in raising interest rates has highlighted the growth-inflation trade-off that most countries face. It has given rise to another significant macroeconomic challenge — the Herculean task of balancing debt sustainability with climate-change mitigation and adaptation. The challenge is especially formidable in the Global South, where the rising cost of servicing external debts has reduced countries’ fiscal space and ability to pursue climate action.
Global warming is intensifying, and its negative spillovers are disproportionately felt in low-income, climate-vulnerable economies. Although these countries have contributed the least to the looming climate catastrophe, they find themselves on the front lines of a crisis that, by increasing the frequency and likelihood of large economic contractions, represents a major long-term development risk.
For example, the economic and social costs of last year’s floods in Pakistan resulted in an estimated output loss of 2.2 percent of GDP.
As aggressive monetary tightening pushes more developing countries into or close to debt distress, addressing climate change becomes even more daunting. Fortunately, innovative nature-based financial solutions that can help avert climate and debt crises have emerged, such as debt-for-nature swaps. They enable countries to restructure their debt at a lower interest rate or longer maturity, with the proceeds being channeled to carbon-abatement projects.
Interest in nature-based financial instruments reflects the global shift toward greater decarbonization commitments and the need to boost climate-related investment in low-income economies encumbered by sky-high borrowing costs. The fiscal space required for such large-scale and long-term investments is just not there — nearly 60 percent of climate-vulnerable developing countries are also at considerable risk of fiscal crisis.
For example, until recently, Ghana had been spending more than 50 percent of government revenues to service its external debt and has defaulted. Its 10-year bond maturing in 2029 is trading at more than 28 percent, signaling that the country has been shut out of capital markets.
More governments might face limited options for refinancing, which would greatly undermine their ability to respond to pressing development needs, including those triggered by the climate crisis, such as extreme weather-related disasters and food insecurity.
Low-income countries have it the worst. UN estimates show that international finance flowing to developing countries to facilitate climate-adaptation programs is five to 10 times lower than what is needed. Moreover, the gap is widening, with annual climate-adaptation needs expected to reach up to US$340 billion by 2030.
The good news is that nature-based financial solutions such as debt-for-nature swaps and carbon credits, which broaden the intersection of sustainable development and debt sustainability, are gaining traction.
The issuance of carbon credits from forestry and land-use projects increased by about 160 percent over the past year and accounted for more than one-third of total issuances in 2021, when global carbon-pricing revenues increased by almost 60 percent, to about US$84 billion. By enabling creditors to provide debt relief, conditional upon governments’ commitment to fund conservation or green projects, debt-for-nature swaps create incentives for developing countries to address the climate crisis without undermining their quest for debt sustainability.
In the case of three climate-vulnerable countries, namely Barbados, Belize and the Seychelles, these innovative financial instruments have boosted government revenues. Since 2016, debt-for-nature swaps have converted US$500 million of debt into US$230 million of money for conservation. Belize’s US$553 million swap reduced its debt level by more than 10 percent of GDP while providing resources to protect the world’s second-largest coral reef.
The fiscal benefits of these swaps seem to have been significant enough to incentivize other developing countries contending with debt crises and the effects of global warming.
For example, the government of Gabon has signaled its plan for a US$700 million debt-for-nature swap to fund marine conservation.
The positive effects of these swaps on climate resilience and debt sustainability would be amplified if combined with carbon credits. Together, they would increase the flow of resources to climate-vulnerable countries and expand the intersection of climate resilience and debt sustainability, resulting in a more inclusive and environmentally friendly globalization process.
Long-term projections show that Africa alone could retire 1.5 gigatonnes of carbon credits annually by 2050, which would mobilize capital totaling US$120 billion.
In a clear signal to market participants, the IMF is supporting countries adopting carbon pricing and recently revised its debt sustainability framework to include the effects of natural disasters and climate change.
However, more should be done to encourage the growth of these financial instruments, including developing secondary markets to minimize price increases as debt is bought back. Donor countries should extend partial guarantees to reduce the costs of financing debt buybacks and channel more climate financing to the Global South.
More critical still is developing a robust regulatory and governance framework that fosters consistency, transparency, accountability and traceability of carbon-offset transactions. Since the inception of carbon markets, market failures — most notably reflected in the proliferation of carbon-pricing schemes and market segmentation — have undermined their efficiency and developmental effects.
These failures have also given rise to “carbon cowboys” who exploit loopholes at the expense of environmental causes and reinforce climate injustice in the process. Just as so-called vulture funds undermine the transition from debt distress to debt sustainability by preying on low-income countries, carbon cowboys subvert the transition to a net zero economy and weaken the developmental effects of carbon credits and debt-for-nature swaps.
Despite the current risk of carbon leakage, nature-based financial instruments are increasingly emerging as a highly promising way to overcome the trade-off between climate action and debt sustainability. We cannot allow another market failure to undermine their unique ability to shore up developing countries’ climate resilience and reduce their debt burden.
Hippolyte Fofack is chief economist and director of research at the African Export-Import Bank.
Copyright: Project Syndicate
Minister of Labor Hung Sun-han (洪申翰) on April 9 said that the first group of Indian workers could arrive as early as this year as part of a memorandum of understanding (MOU) between the Taipei Economic and Cultural Center in India and the India Taipei Association. Signed in February 2024, the MOU stipulates that Taipei would decide the number of migrant workers and which industries would employ them, while New Delhi would manage recruitment and training. Employment would be governed by the laws of both countries. Months after its signing, the two sides agreed that 1,000 migrant workers from India would
In recent weeks, Taiwan has witnessed a surge of public anxiety over the possible introduction of Indian migrant workers. What began as a policy signal from the Ministry of Labor quickly escalated into a broader controversy. Petitions gathered thousands of signatures within days, political figures issued strong warnings, and social media became saturated with concerns about public safety and social stability. At first glance, this appears to be a straightforward policy question: Should Taiwan introduce Indian migrant workers or not? However, this framing is misleading. The current debate is not fundamentally about India. It is about Taiwan’s labor system, its
Japan’s imminent easing of arms export rules has sparked strong interest from Warsaw to Manila, Reuters reporting found, as US President Donald Trump wavers on security commitments to allies, and the wars in Iran and Ukraine strain US weapons supplies. Japanese Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi’s ruling party approved the changes this week as she tries to invigorate the pacifist country’s military industrial base. Her government would formally adopt the new rules as soon as this month, three Japanese government officials told Reuters. Despite largely isolating itself from global arms markets since World War II, Japan spends enough on its own
On March 31, the South Korean Ministry of Foreign Affairs released declassified diplomatic records from 1995 that drew wide domestic media attention. One revelation stood out: North Korea had once raised the possibility of diplomatic relations with Taiwan. In a meeting with visiting Chinese officials in May 1995, as then-Chinese president Jiang Zemin (江澤民) prepared for a visit to South Korea, North Korean officials objected to Beijing’s growing ties with Seoul and raised Taiwan directly. According to the newly released records, North Korean officials asked why Pyongyang should refrain from developing relations with Taiwan while China and South Korea were expanding high-level