The Transitional Justice Commission was on May 30 officially dissolved after four years of operation, and its duties were distributed among agencies of the Executive Yuan.
Did the commission achieve its goal stipulated in Article 1 of the Act on Promoting Transitional Justice (促進轉型正義條例), which says it was formed “to promote transitional justice and implement a liberal democratic constitutional order”?
The principle of separation of powers in modern democracies seeks to prevent the abuse of those powers through mutual checks and balances among the branches of government.
The executive and legislative branches are legitimized by elections, while the judiciary relies heavily on reasoning. Based on the rules of evidence and reasoning, the judicial branch can regulate the behaviors of lawmakers and enforce the rule of law.
In comparison, during the Taiwan’s authoritarian past, the ruling regime fully controlled the executive, legislative and judicial branches, enabling them to use those powers to monitor and govern Taiwanese.
With the democratization of Taiwan, the executive and legislative branches over time established procedural rules, which were put into practice in regular elections. The judiciary has not undergone such a process, and it continues to follow the model of the past authoritarian rule.
Some people criticize the judicial system, saying that it prosecutes more politicians from the pan-green camp than from the pan-blue camp, treats the rich and poor differently and makes unjust decisions.
However, most critics do not fully grasp that if an unjust judge intends to incriminate or exonerate a defendant regardless of their guilt, they would have to distort the evidence presented during a trial and breach the rules of judicial reasoning.
Such a judge would be misusing the principle that judges can freely evaluate which evidence is to be considered credible. Their decisions would not be bound by commonly accepted judicial reasoning and the modern understanding of what is right.
Poor-quality judicial decisions were common in the past authoritarian rule, and its consequences have remained unchanged.
The government has focused on transitional justice to redress politically motivated unjust decisions of that era, while many unjust decisions in apolitical cases have still not been addressed.
As a result of the past authoritarian rule, judges remain able to issue reckless rulings, knowing that they will not be held accountable. This contradicts the commonly accepted idea that good behavior should be rewarded and bad behavior should be censured.
Eliminating bad judges to rebuild judicial credibility should be a priority of judicial reform. Moreover, as Taiwanese judges serve lifetime appointments, there should be no statute of limitations for redressing unjust rulings. Only if that principle is put into practice, a balance between the power and responsibility of a judge can be ensured.
Without judicial reform, Taiwan’s democracy — dominated by power-seeking executive and legislative branches, and a judiciary that abuses its power — might become an arena ruled by the law of the jungle, and soon there would be no more checks and balances among the branches.
How, then, can Taiwan achieve a liberal democratic constitutional order, let alone the goal of promoting transitional justice?
Chen Chun-kai is a professor of history at Fu Jen Catholic University.
Translated by Eddy Chang
Two major Chinese Communist Party (CCP)-People’s Liberation Army (PLA) power demonstrations in November 2024 highlight the urgency for Taiwan to pursue a military buildup and deterrence agenda that can take back control of its destiny. First, the CCP-PLA’s planned future for Taiwan of war, bloody suppression, and use as a base for regional aggression was foreshadowed by the 9th and largest PLA-Russia Joint Bomber Exercise of Nov. 29 and 30. It was double that of previous bomber exercises, with both days featuring combined combat strike groups of PLA Air Force and Russian bombers escorted by PLAAF and Russian fighters, airborne early warning
For three years and three months, Taiwan’s bid to join the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP) has remained stalled. On Nov. 29, members meeting in Vancouver agreed to establish a working group for Costa Rica’s entry — the fifth applicant in line — but not for Taiwan. As Taiwan’s prospects for CPTPP membership fade due to “politically sensitive issues,” what strategy should it adopt to overcome this politically motivated economic exclusion? The situation is not entirely dim; these challenges offer an opportunity to reimagine the export-driven country’s international trade strategy. Following the US’ withdrawal from the Trans-Pacific Partnership
Since the end of former president Ma Ying-jeou’s (馬英九) administration, the Ma Ying-jeou Foundation has taken Taiwanese students to visit China and invited Chinese students to Taiwan. Ma calls those activities “cross-strait exchanges,” yet the trips completely avoid topics prohibited by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), such as democracy, freedom and human rights — all of which are universal values. During the foundation’s most recent Chinese student tour group, a Fudan University student used terms such as “China, Taipei” and “the motherland” when discussing Taiwan’s recent baseball victory. The group’s visit to Zhongshan Girls’ High School also received prominent coverage in
Late on Tuesday evening, South Korean President Yoon Suk-yeol declared martial law. A BBC analysis cited as reasons the opposition parties’ majority in the National Assembly, their continued boycott of the national budget and the impeachment of key officials and prosecutors, leading to frequent government gridlock. During the years that Taiwan and South Korea traveled the road to democratization, our countries hit many potholes. Taiwan cannot return to the Martial Law era. Despite the similarities in our authoritarian past, Yoon’s political travails are far removed from the issues Taiwan faces. Yoon’s actions are a wake-up call to the world about