The only candidate in this year’s election for Hong Kong chief executive, John Lee (李家超), won the vote, as expected. After working in the territory’s police system for several years, Lee was favored by Beijing for his “achievements” in cracking down on anti-extradition protests during his term as secretary for security.
That event launched Lee’s political career. Soon after, he was promoted to Hong Kong chief secretary for administration, and now he is set to assume the top post. Behind these positions, of course, is the will of Beijing.
As China and the civilized world are moving along different trajectories, there is no need for Beijing to act anymore. This small-circle chief executive “election,” which had absolutely no democratic legitimacy, was not to elect a leader, but to test the political and business classes’ loyalty to Beijing.
Politicians and businesspeople saw through the intentions of the Chinese masters, and no one dared to join the race or vote against the candidate.
Through this “election,” which China labeled a demonstration of democracy, it has sent an important message to the world: Beijing does not intend to make concessions on matters relating to Hong Kong, and remains hostile to universal values such as democracy, freedom and human rights.
Meanwhile, Washington has barred Lee from entering the US.
Lee’s tough stances raise concerns about whether China is replacing a dove with a hawk to prepare for a complete blockade or further crackdown on Hong Kong.
From the arrests of the 612 Humanitarian Relief Fund trustees, including Hong Kong academic Hui Po-keung (許寶強) and Cardinal Joseph Zen (陳日君), a 90-year-old retired bishop, such concerns have gradually materialized.
Hong Kong today is fully controlled by the “patriots” — those rubber-stamped officials who without public oversight can act recklessly in the absence of an opposition. With Hong Kong having been downgraded by Beijing from a semi-autonomous region to a Chinese city, it is necessary to review its position.
After being returned to China by the British in 1997, Hong Kong’s special status stemmed from the different economic and political systems in place in the territory and mainland China.
With Beijing’s contravention of the Sino-British Joint Declaration, the Chinese policy of “one country, two systems” came to exist in name only.
China has been using Hong Kong as a “white glove” to avoid tariffs and infiltrate foreign institutions, while breaking its promise to protect the territory’s democratic institutions and social freedoms. It should not be surprising that foreign countries revoked Hong Kong’s special treatment.
If Taipei were to abolish the Act Governing Relations with Hong Kong and Macau (香港澳門關係條例), it would show Beijing that Hong Kong would no longer receive special consideration from Taiwan.
Before that, an asylum mechanism should be established to provide assistance to Hong Kongers with shared values. This would attract immigrants who have much to contribute to Taiwanese society, and would highlight the universal values that Taiwan upholds.
More importantly, Taiwan should establish counterespionage mechanisms to prevent Chinese infiltration.
By shutting the door in the faces of Hong Kong immigrants, Taiwan would miss the chance to absorb talent, technology and capital from the territory. It would be a great loss for Taiwan.
Hong Tsun-ming from Hong Kong is a specialist of the Taiwan Statebuilding Party’s international division.
Translated by Eddy Chang
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