One after the other, quickly, carefully, keeping their heads down, a group of Afghan women step into a small Kabul apartment block — risking their lives as a nascent resistance against the Taliban. They come together to plan their next stand against the regime, which took back power in Afghanistan in August last year and stripped them of their dreams.
At first, there were no more than 15 members in this group, mostly women in their 20s who already knew each other.
Now there is a network of dozens of women — once students, teachers or workers at non-governmental organizations (NGO), as well as housewives — that have worked in secret to organize protests over the past six months.
Illustration: Constance Chou
“I asked myself why not join them instead of staying at home, depressed, thinking of all that we lost,” a 20-year-old protester, who asked not to be named, told Agence France-Presse (AFP).
They know such a challenge to the new authorities might cost them everything: Four of their comrades have already been seized.
However, those who remain are determined to battle on.
When the Taliban first ruled Afghanistan between 1996 and 2001, the regime became notorious for human rights abuses, with women mostly confined to their homes.
Now back in government and despite promising softer rule, the Taliban are cracking down on women’s freedoms once again.
There is enforced segregation in most workplaces, leading many employers to fire female staff, and women are barred from key public sector jobs. Many girls’ secondary schools have closed, and university curriculums are being revised to reflect the group’s hardline interpretation of Islam.
Haunted by memories of the last Taliban regime, some Afghan women are too frightened to venture out or are pressured by their families to remain at home.
For Shala, a mother of four who asked AFP to only use her first name, a return to such female confinement is her biggest fear.
A former Afghan government employee, her job has been taken from her, so now she helps organize the resistance and sometimes sneaks out at night to paint graffiti slogans such as “Long Live Equality” across the walls of the nation’s capital.
“I just want to be an example for young women, to show them that I will not give up the fight,” she said.
The Taliban could harm her family, but Shala says her husband supports what she is doing and her children are learning from her defiance — at home they practice chants demanding education.
AFP journalists attended two of the group’s gatherings last month. Despite the risk of being arrested and taken by the Taliban, or shunned by their families and society, more than 40 women came to one event.
At another meeting, a few women were fervently preparing for their next protest.
One of them designed a banner demanding justice, a cellphone in one hand and her pen in the other.
“These are our only weapons,” she said.
A 24-year-old who asked not to be named helped brainstorm ideas for attracting the world’s attention.
“It’s dangerous, but we have no other way. We have to accept that our path is fraught with challenges,” she said.
Like others, she stood up to her conservative family, including an uncle who threw away her books to keep her from learning.
“I don’t want to let fear control me and prevent me from speaking and telling the truth,” she said.
Allowing people to join their ranks is a meticulous process.
Hoda Khamosh, a published poet and former NGO worker who organized workshops to help empower women, is tasked with ensuring newcomers can be trusted.
One test she sets is to ask them to prepare banners or slogans at short notice — she can sense passion for the cause from women who deliver quickly.
Other tests yield even clearer results.
Khamosh recounts the time they gave a potential member a fake date and time for a demonstration.
The Taliban turned up ahead of the supposed protest, and all contact was cut with the woman suspected of tipping off officials.
Core members of the group use a dedicated telephone number to coordinate on the day of a protest. That number is later disconnected to ensure it is not being tracked.
“We usually carry an extra scarf or an extra dress. When the demonstration is over, we change our clothes so we cannot be recognized,” Khamosh said.
She has changed her phone number several times, and her husband has received threats.
“We could still be harmed, it’s exhausting. But all we can do is persevere,” she said.
Khamosh was one of a few women flown to Norway to meet face to face with the Taliban leadership last month, alongside other civil society members, when the first talks on European soil were held between the West and the new Afghan government.
In the 20 years since the Taliban last held power, a generation of women — largely in major cities — became business owners, studied for doctorates and held government positions. The battle to defend those gains requires defiance.
On protest days, women turn up in twos or threes, waiting outside shops as if they are ordinary shoppers, then at the last minute rush together — some 20 people chanting as they unfurl their banners. Swiftly and inevitably, the Taliban’s armed fighters surround them — sometimes holding them back, other times screaming and pointing guns to scare them away.
One woman recalls slapping a fighter in the face, while another led protest chants despite a masked gunman pointing his weapon at her.
However, it is becoming increasingly dangerous to protest as authorities crack down on dissent.
A few days after the planning meeting attended by AFP, Taliban fighters used pepper spray on the resistance demonstrators for the first time, angry as the group had painted a white burqa red to reject wearing the all-covering dress.
Group members said that two of the women who took part in the protests — Tamana Zaryabi Paryani and Parwana Ibrahimkhel — were later rounded up in a series of night raids on Jan. 19. Shortly before she was taken, footage of Paryani was shared on social media, showing her in distress, warning of Taliban fighters at her door.
In the video, Tamana calls out: “Kindly help. Taliban have come to our home in Parwan 2. My sisters are at home.”
It shows her telling the men behind the door: “If you want to talk, we’ll talk tomorrow. I cannot meet you in the night with these girls. I don’t want to [open the door]... Please! help, help!”
Several women interviewed by AFP before the raids, who spoke of “nonstop threats,” have since gone into hiding.
Taliban spokesman Zabihullah Mujahid denied any women were being held, but said that authorities had the right “to arrest and detain dissidents or those who break the law,” after the government banned unsanctioned protests soon after coming to power.
Three weeks on and they have still not been found, with the UN and Human Rights Watch among those calling on the Taliban to investigate the disappearances.
The UN has also demanded information about two more female protesters allegedly detained last week, named by rights advocates as Zahra Mohammadi and Mursal Ayar.
Despite the pressure from the Taliban, the women are learning to adapt quickly.
When they began the movement in September last year, demonstrations would end as soon as one of the participants was pushed or threatened by the Taliban.
Khamosh said they have now developed a system where two protesters take care of the victim, allowing the others — and the protest — to continue.
As the Taliban prevents media coverage of demonstrations, many female protesters use mobile phones to take photographs and videos to post on social media.
The content, often featuring them defiantly showing their faces, can then reach an international audience.
“These women ... had to create something from scratch,” Human Rights Watch Women’s Rights Division associate director Heather Barr said. “There are a lot of very experienced women activists who have been working in Afghanistan for many years ... but almost all of them left after August 15.”
The Taliban “don’t tolerate dissent. They have beaten other protesters, they have beaten journalists who cover the protests, very brutally. They’ve gone and looked for protesters and protest organizers afterwards,” she added.
Barr said she believes it is “almost certain” that those involved with this new resistance will experience harm.
A separate, smaller woman’s group is now trying to focus on protest that avoids direct confrontation with the Taliban.
“When I am out on the streets my heart and body shake,” said Wahida Amiri, a 33-year-old former librarian.
Sharp and articulate, she is used to fighting for justice, having previously campaigned against corruption in the previous government.
Now that is no longer possible, she sometimes meets a small circle of friends in the safety of their homes, where they film themselves holding candlelit vigils and raising banners demanding the right to education and work.
They write articles and attend debates on social media apps Clubhouse or Twitter, hoping they will show the world their story.
“I have never worked as hard as I have in the past five months,” Amiri said.
Khamosh’s biggest dream was to become Afghanistan’s first female president, and it is difficult for her to accept that her political work is now limited.
“If we do not fight for our future today, Afghan history will repeat itself,” the 26-year-old told AFP from her home. “If we do not get our rights we will end up stuck at home, between four walls. This is something we cannot tolerate.”
Kabul’s resistance is not alone. There have been small, scattered protests by women in other Afghan cities, including Bamiyan, Herat and Mazar-i-Sharif.
The Taliban “have erased us from society and politics,” Amiri said. “We may not succeed. All we want is to keep the voice of justice raised high, and instead of five women, we want thousands to join us.”
In an article published in Newsweek on Monday last week, President William Lai (賴清德) challenged China to retake territories it lost to Russia in the 19th century rather than invade Taiwan. “If it is really for the sake of territorial integrity, why doesn’t China take back Russia?” Lai asked, referring to territories lost in 1858 and 1860. The territories once made up the two flanks of northern Manchuria. Once ceded to Russia, they became part of the Russian far east. Claims since then have been made that China and Russia settled the disputes in the 1990s through the 2000s and that “China
Trips to the Kenting Peninsula in Pingtung County have dredged up a lot of public debate and furor, with many complaints about how expensive and unreasonable lodging is. Some people even call it a tourist “butchering ground.” Many local business owners stake claims to beach areas by setting up parasols and driving away people who do not rent them. The managing authority for the area — Kenting National Park — has long ignored the issue. Ultimately, this has affected the willingness of domestic travelers to go there, causing tourist numbers to plummet. In 2008, Taiwan opened the door to Chinese tourists and in
Taiwan People’s Party (TPP) Chairman Ko Wen-je (柯文哲) on Thursday was handcuffed and escorted by police to the Taipei Detention Center, after the Taipei District Court ordered that he be detained and held incommunicado for suspected corruption during his tenure as Taipei mayor. The ruling reversed an earlier decision by the same court on Monday last week that ordered Ko’s release without bail. That decision was appealed by prosecutors on Wednesday, leading the High Court to conclude that Ko had been “actively involved” in the alleged corruption and it ordered the district court to hold a second detention hearing. Video clips
Taiwan People’s Party (TPP) Chairman Ko Wen-je’s (柯文哲) arrest is a significant development. He could have become president or vice president on a shared TPP-Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) ticket and could have stood again in 2028. If he is found guilty, there would be little chance of that, but what of his party? What about the third force in Taiwanese politics? What does this mean for the disenfranchised young people who he attracted, and what does it mean for his ambitious and ideologically fickle right-hand man, TPP caucus leader Huang Kuo-chang (黃國昌)? Ko and Huang have been appealing to that