On the last working day of last month, the Chinese General Administration of Customs suddenly announced that the import of pineapples from Taiwan would be suspended from Monday last week. This is obvious political pressure on Taiwan and an economic sanction in disguise — it is a similar tactic to China’s ban on lobster imports from Australia. Beijing chose the timing of this move for a reason, but judging from how the situation is developing, it could well be another Chinese decision that backfires.
No matter the grudge Beijing holds against Taipei, there is another aspect to its decision to act at this particular time: Taiwan has just reorganized its national security team, and at the start of a cross-strait policy review, the pineapple ban serves as a warning to the new team, conveying the message that if Taipei keeps ignoring Beijing’s demands, there would be other, bigger, moves to come.
The ban is a statement to the outside world, but, more importantly, it serves a domestic need. Prior to the annual plenary sessions of the National People’s Congress and the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference, which opened on Thursday and Friday last week respectively, the regime of Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) wanted to “teach Taiwan a lesson.”
It is a common trick that dictators use to establish their authority, and serves the dual purposes of announcement and intimidation.
It is not enough to just figure out the reason behind China’s decision. The question is what other effects it will have. Xi’s domestic rule is China’s own business. What is more concerning and more interesting to outsiders is the possible impact it could have on Taiwan.
First, China’s retaliation against Taiwan cannot be compared with its punishments against other countries such as Australia, because Beijing’s goal is to annex Taiwan. Unless China wants unification by force, it cannot ignore Taiwanese public opinion.
In the post-COVID-19 era, China will be desperate to restore its image among the international community, but at this sensitive time, it targets Taiwanese pineapple farmers, which only worsens its image and further deteriorates cross-strait relations.
Second, although China is the main export market for Taiwanese pineapples, pineapple exports to China only account for about 10 percent of total exports of the fruit. The swift reaction of the government and Taiwanese have largely saved the crisis from further damaging the industry. Perhaps China has another move ready, but given the inextricable links between the two sides of the Taiwan Strait, Taiwan can develop countermeasures, as long as they are thoroughly thought through.
On the contrary, the ban on pineapple imports is the best proof Xi could have given the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) of the uncertainty and high risk of China’s hegemony, and it further legitimizes the government’s policy of remaining cautious as far as China is concerned.
Given this situation, the Chinese Nationalist Party’s (KMT) pro-China rhetoric further loses its appeal, and it will inevitably limit the KMT’s chances of expanding its base, which means that the DPP will have more space to grow.
The political aftermath will be far more long-lasting than any economic and trade effects.
The Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP) actions work against unification efforts and help promote Taiwanese independence, which is the opposite to what China wants.
This is the CCP regime: stuck in a dead end.
Tzou Jiing-wen is the editor-in-chief of the Liberty Times (the sister newspaper of the Taipei Times).
Translated by Lin Lee-kai
Whether in terms of market commonality or resource similarity, South Korea’s Samsung Electronics Co is the biggest competitor of Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Co (TSMC). The two companies have agreed to set up factories in the US and are also recipients of subsidies from the US CHIPS and Science Act, which was signed into law by former US president Joe Biden. However, changes in the market competitiveness of the two companies clearly reveal the context behind TSMC’s investments in the US. As US semiconductor giant Intel Corp has faced continuous delays developing its advanced processes, the world’s two major wafer foundries, TSMC and
The first Donald Trump term was a boon for Taiwan. The administration regularized the arms sales process and enhanced bilateral ties. Taipei will not be so fortunate the second time around. Given recent events, Taiwan must proceed with the assumption that it cannot count on the United States to defend it — diplomatically or militarily — during the next four years. Early indications suggested otherwise. The nomination of Marco Rubio as US Secretary of State and the appointment of Mike Waltz as the national security advisor, both of whom have expressed full-throated support for Taiwan in the past, raised hopes that
Authorities last week revoked the residency permit of a Chinese social media influencer surnamed Liu (劉), better known by her online channel name Yaya in Taiwan (亞亞在台灣), who has more than 440,000 followers online and is living in Taiwan with a marriage-based residency permit, for her “reunification by force” comments. She was asked to leave the country in 10 days. The National Immigration Agency (NIA) on Tuesday last week announced the decision, citing the influencer’s several controversial public comments, including saying that “China does not need any other reason to reunify Taiwan with force” and “why is it [China] hesitant
We are witnessing a sea change in the government’s approach to China, from one of reasonable, low-key reluctance at rocking the boat to a collapse of pretense over and patience in Beijing’s willful intransigence. Finally, we are seeing a more common sense approach in the face of active shows of hostility from a foreign power. According to Article 2 of the 2020 Anti-Infiltration Act (反滲透法), a “foreign hostile force” is defined as “countries, political entities or groups that are at war with or are engaged in a military standoff with the Republic of China [ROC]. The same stipulation applies to
RSS