Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) Legislator Lin Wei-chou (林為洲) last month wrote on Facebook that he is “anti-communist,” that the stance was by no means the exclusive right of the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), and that it did not exclude the possibility of cross-strait peace.
The post elicited more than 2,000 comments, among them an explosive comment by former DPP Taoyuan city councilor Wang Hao-yu (王浩宇), who referenced a remark he said Lin had made in Wang’s hometown of Sinpu Township (新埔) in Hsinchu County about Taiwanese independence being a source of inspiration.
Wang wrote that even after so many years, he was still thankful for Lin’s words.
“They made me realize that I am Taiwanese and that this is my country,” Wang wrote.
It might be surprising for many young Taiwanese to hear that a KMT legislator spoke about Taiwanese independence, but the account is accurate.
Lin entered politics on the recommendation of then-Hsinchu city councilor Lin Kuang-hua (林光華), joining the DPP. After Lin was elected legislator, he expressed his disenchantment with the established political parties and left the DPP, joining the Third Society Party partway through his legislative term.
He returned to the Hsinchu County Council as an independent in 2009, when then-Hsinchu county commissioner Chiu Ching-chun (邱鏡淳) recommended that he join the KMT.
So, given his history, it should not be surprising that Lin once spoke favorably about independence.
He has served in both of Taiwan’s main parties, so he is no doubt aware of what is troubling the KMT, and cognizant that while the DPP seems to be dominating, it has less to do with its prowess than it does with the KMT’s own problems — the KMT has walked down a dead-end road and cannot find its way out.
In the past, most voters saw themselves as simultaneously Taiwanese and Chinese, so a political party with a pro-China stance was to be expected.
However, China’s incessant suppression of Taiwan has turned mainstream public opinion against the Chinese Communist Party and the DPP has capitalized on the sentiment.
Lin’s anti-communist stance could take some of the wind out of the DPP’s sails, but it is unlikely to gain traction within the KMT, as it would face opposition from its pro-unification factions.
When former presidents Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石) and Chiang Ching-kuo (蔣經國) were in power, members of the KMT’s pro-unification faction were in line with their “oppose the communists, safeguard Taiwan” stance, but after democratization brought the era of the KMT party-state regime to a close, the pro-unification elements conspired with Beijing to maintain control over Taiwan.
After this, an anti-communist stance was no longer a viable proposition.
The pro-unification elements within the KMT are a minority and yet they still exert considerable influence within the party.
Its pro-localization faction, formed by people born in Taiwan, could work with the DPP, even though it would mean forgoing the pro-unification vote.
The trouble is, Taiwanese have been influenced by many years of the foreign regime’s gaslighting, which has inculcated in them the mindset of a secondary citizen, unable to take charge of their own destiny and allowing themselves to be led into a dead-end by a minority faction.
Chen Mao-hsiung, a retired National Sun Yat-sen University professor, is chairman of the Society for the Promotion of Taiwanese Security.
Translated by Paul Cooper
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