Chinese military aircraft have in the past few weeks provoked Taiwan, as the Chinese People’s Liberation Army (PLA) Air Force’s J-10, J-11 and J-16 fighters repeatedly crossed the median line of the Taiwan Strait, while its H-6 bombers and J-16s entered Taiwan’s southwestern air defense identification zone.
On Friday last week, Chinese warplanes came within just 68km of Hsinchu City, as if the enemy were knocking on the gate. The distance between Hsinchu and China’s Pingtan is the shortest between the two sides.
As Chinese aircraft crossed the median line in this section of the Strait, the reason for the provocation was evident: The Chinese military was showing its ability to fight for command of the Strait’s airspace.
The Chinese military might further provoke Taiwan by sending warplanes and warships to the waters all around the nation, and continuously apply pressure.
It is possible that Beijing might eventually send aircraft carriers to cruise in the waters off eastern Taiwan, so as to dominate the airspace around the entire nation, and carry out a series of “island-seizing” exercises in the area.
With regard to the trend of the Chinese moves, the maneuvers were initially probing the capabilities of the Taiwanese military. After gaining an understanding of how Taiwan reacts, a quantitative change has led to a qualitative change.
China has gradually displayed air supremacy in the region, while grasping the bottom line of Taiwan’s air defense. Such military intimidation is likely to grow.
It is easy to speculate that the Chinese Communist Party has adjusted its strategy to address the Taiwan issue, by replacing verbal attacks with military exercises, involving actual military action.
Hence, the frequency of Chinese military aircraft crossing the Strait’s median line and how close they are willing to approach the nation are likely to set new records. Taiwan must devise a thorough plan with a proactive approach, and never passively respond to such military intimidation.
As China’s military threat against Taiwan continues to grow, the kind of cross-strait war that could occur has also significantly changed. Despite the Taiwanese military putting new weapon systems in place, its plans for defending Taiwan are outdated and its structure is distorted.
Five of the nation’s top military officers are army generals, including Minister of National Defense Yen De-fa (嚴德發), and only two are air force generals. Thus, the proportion of key military officers is seriously unbalanced.
The military culture of “a soldier’s duty is to obey orders” and “rank has its privileges” has deeply affected the distribution of defense resources and the direction of military buildup.
Due to its heavy strategic burden and inactivity with regard to military reform, Taiwan has lost its air supremacy in the Strait.
As it is busy responding to Chinese threats, the situation has also exposed the military’s weaknesses in logistics.
As Sun Tzu’s (孫子) The Art of War says: “Creating a favorable circumstance means gaining control based on one’s own strengths.”
In other words, Taiwan should maximize its flexibility and effectiveness of deployment in military buildup.
Faced with a powerful enemy, it is necessary for the nation to drastically reform the military personnel structure, to construct outstanding and pragmatic forces capable of defending Taiwan, and ensuring security in the Strait.
Chang Yan-ting is a retired air force lieutenant general and a professor at National Tsing Hua University.
Translated by Eddy Chang
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus whip Fu Kun-chi (傅?萁) has caused havoc with his attempts to overturn the democratic and constitutional order in the legislature. If we look at this devolution from the context of a transition to democracy from authoritarianism in a culturally Chinese sense — that of zhonghua (中華) — then we are playing witness to a servile spirit from a millennia-old form of totalitarianism that is intent on damaging the nation’s hard-won democracy. This servile spirit is ingrained in Chinese culture. About a century ago, Chinese satirist and author Lu Xun (魯迅) saw through the servile nature of
Monday was the 37th anniversary of former president Chiang Ching-kuo’s (蔣經國) death. Chiang — a son of former president Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石), who had implemented party-state rule and martial law in Taiwan — has a complicated legacy. Whether one looks at his time in power in a positive or negative light depends very much on who they are, and what their relationship with the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) is. Although toward the end of his life Chiang Ching-kuo lifted martial law and steered Taiwan onto the path of democratization, these changes were forced upon him by internal and external pressures,
In their New York Times bestseller How Democracies Die, Harvard political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt said that democracies today “may die at the hands not of generals but of elected leaders. Many government efforts to subvert democracy are ‘legal,’ in the sense that they are approved by the legislature or accepted by the courts. They may even be portrayed as efforts to improve democracy — making the judiciary more efficient, combating corruption, or cleaning up the electoral process.” Moreover, the two authors observe that those who denounce such legal threats to democracy are often “dismissed as exaggerating or
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus in the Legislative Yuan has made an internal decision to freeze NT$1.8 billion (US$54.7 million) of the indigenous submarine project’s NT$2 billion budget. This means that up to 90 percent of the budget cannot be utilized. It would only be accessible if the legislature agrees to lift the freeze sometime in the future. However, for Taiwan to construct its own submarines, it must rely on foreign support for several key pieces of equipment and technology. These foreign supporters would also be forced to endure significant pressure, infiltration and influence from Beijing. In other words,