Responding to China’s declaration of national security legislation for Hong Kong, US President Donald Trump’s decision to revoke the territory’s special trade status on Friday last week caused more than a few sleepless nights for Chinese and Hong Kong officials.
Uncertainty and anxiety best describe the mood of local political and economic elites as they contemplate the effects of US sanctions.
What was most striking was the nationalistic rhetoric senior Hong Kong officials used to play down the devastating effects of Trump’s announcement.
Trump’s latest policy on Hong Kong should be viewed through three analytical lenses; namely, the territory’s deteriorating autonomy since 1997, its rising popular aspirations for democracy and the ongoing US-China geopolitical rivalries.
First, China’s proposed security legislation marks the Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP) direct takeover of Hong Kong’s political governance, ending its limited autonomy under the “one country, two systems” framework.
Fearing ever-growing demands for systematic change, Beijing now demands absolute allegiance to its leadership from Hong Kongers, and strives to incorporate the territory into its autocratic structure.
This reveals China’s resolve to justify immediate political interference and even a military crackdown on public protests.
Second, China’s refusal since 2014 to grant what Hong Kongers desire — freedom and democracy — has driven frustrated segments of the public to organize large-scale demonstrations.
Even though the oppressive Chinese and Hong Kong authorities have employed propaganda and official regulations to legitimize the use of extra judicial measures to impose total control, including police violence against activists and pro-democracy businesses, Hong Kongers are reluctant to back down.
More damaging than the culture of fear is that of hope and courage.
Unlike their parents and grandparents, who are too afraid to upset the “status quo” by rocking the boat or confronting the political establishment, young Hong Kongers adhere to the idea of laam chau (攬炒), which literally means “embracing mutual destruction,” expressed by a famous quote from the Hunger Games movie franchise: “When we burn, you burn with us.”
This determination to sacrifice everything for basic human rights is not a last resort of desperation, but is motivated by strong faith in rightful resistance during dark and trying times.
Without the pillars of a democratic system, Hong Kongers foresee the same depressing fate as Tibetans and Uighurs. This explains why they are prepared for a long fight for structural transformation.
Third, the Hong Kong crisis exposes Chinese President Xi Jinping’s (習近平) utter failure to manage a semi-liberal society on Chinese soil, and to stabilize bilateral relationships with the US.
Xi has clearly overplayed his hand in ending autonomous governance for Hong Kong.
The absence of an immediate official response by the CCP further indicates that the party is gravely shocked by Trump’s decision, and that the leadership in Beijing remains divided over how to address the challenge.
Making people submissive and obedient is different from the art of winning trust and showing leadership.
When China signed the Sino-British Joint Declaration on Dec. 19, 1984, it impressed the world by promising a high level of autonomy for Hong Kong after 1997. However, by ignoring its obligations, China has turned the treaty upside down, and tarnished its credibility to honor other international agreements.
Hong Kong has become a pawn in larger US-China geopolitical negotiations. The resilience of the pro-democracy struggle has transformed the territory into a beacon of hope for youth-led activism in the social media age, earning support and sympathy from around the world.
Of the global community, Taiwan has displayed the most remarkable political and moral leadership, offering symbolic and substantive assistance.
Shortly after her re-inauguration, President Tsai Ing-wen (蔡英文) quickly formed an ad hoc Cabinet committee to formulate a humanitarian action plan for the territory.
Over 5,000 Hong Kongers reportedly applied for residency in Taiwan last year, and more are expected to come to seek political asylum as the situation worsens. The best path forward for the young asylum seekers would be to immerse themselves in Taiwan’s advanced educational institutions and vibrant civil society, thereby enriching themselves and contributing to the nation’s progress.
Hong Kong faces a bleak political future.
Unless China makes significant concessions, the territory is likely to be ungovernable. To regain trust and confidence, Xi must reimagine a new constitutional framework that is better than the “one country, two systems” policy.
One option is to implement universal suffrage to vote for Hong Kong’s chief executive and legislators, letting residents decide their destiny democratically. In doing so, China would create a popularly represented institutional platform to dialogue with Hong Kongers.
Wishful thinking as it might be, Hong Kongers have spent years beating the odds, and they are not expected to stop now.
Joseph Tse-hei Lee is professor of history at Pace University in New York City.
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