Thousands of Hong Kong medical workers earlier this week went on strike to demand that Hong Kong Chief Executive Carrie Lam (林鄭月娥) immediately close the territory’s border with China to prevent the spread of the 2019 novel coronavirus.
Yet the strike also revealed a longer term threat to her administration, as well as to her bosses in Beijing: It showed the growing strength of pro-democracy unions formed by protesters who want to curb China’s influence on the territory.
The strategy aims to allow pro-democracy groups to quickly organize mass actions and, ultimately, transform a political system designed to favor Beijing loyalists.
“Government opponents are going through strenuous efforts to form new trade unions, hoping this could increase their chances of winning more seats in the legislative council,” said Lau Siu-kai (劉兆佳), the former head of a Hong Kong government think tank and an emeritus professor at Chinese University of Hong Kong. “These efforts will go hand-in-hand with the protests, bolstering the political movement in Hong Kong to seek more detachment from mainland China.”
The Hospital Authority Employees Alliance, which was formed in December last year, said that it has already attracted more than 18,000 members — nearly a quarter of the employees at the Hong Kong Hospital Authority, the territory’s second-biggest employer.
The group said about half of them planned to strike this week to demand stronger government measures to stop the coronavirus outbreak.
The union is among dozens that were formed by participants in protests that have rocked the territory since June last year.
In the second half of last year, the Hong Kong Labour Department received 135 applications to start new trade unions, spanning industries from finance to education and bartenders. That compares with only 10 during same period the previous year.
The rise of pro-democracy unions threatens the monopoly of pro-government unions that have an outsized influence on labor policy, and in elections for the legislative council and chief executive.
They could also potentially add to disruptions to the economy, which has slid into recession as protesters shut down transport networks, vandalized China-linked businesses and deterred tourists from visiting.
“Hong Kong traditionally has not been a unionized place — if the unions were to get individuals together for collective demands it could hamstring some businesses,” said Benjamin Quinlan, chief executive officer and managing partner of Quinlan & Associates, a strategy consultancy based in Hong Kong.
Hospitality, food and beverage, and medical businesses could be the first to suffer the impact, Quinlan said.
Hong Kong’s labor rules are a big attraction for foreign companies: The World Economic Forum’s competitiveness rankings last year ranked the territory as the No. 1 location for hiring and firing practices among 141 economies. Yet in the category of “workers rights,” it came in at No. 114 on the list.
This week’s strike among medical workers, which was opposed by the government and drew criticism in some newspapers, is testing the ability of protesters to turn their street numbers into organized collective action.
“People are genuinely worried and even more reluctant to go outside now that they know there’s a risk of medical workers being on strike,” Quinlan said.
Lam said on Monday that it was not acceptable that medical workers went on strike and most of those infected in Hong Kong were local residents.
Hong Kongers account for 90 percent of people passing through the border, she said, adding that banning Chinese visitors was not in line with WHO recommendations.
“We must not encourage any discrimination, so we have to exercise caution here,” Lam said.
Among 3,164 union members who took part in a vote last Saturday, nearly 99 percent favored going on strike unless the government barred all visitors entering from the mainland and ensured an ample supply of masks.
“Our members have spiked because of the pneumonia [coronavirus] outbreak,” said Ivan Law (羅卓堯), a registered nurse of more than three years and vice chairman of the Hospital Authority Employees Alliance. “On top of workspace issues, we hope the union can be a representative to speak out on political issues.”
Medical workers are not alone.
Pet store workers, technology staff and accountants are also weighing measures to deal with the coronavirus outbreak.
The Hong Kong Alliance of Accounting Professionals is asking companies to halt business trips to China, said an executive with the group who asked to be identified only by his surname, Chan, for fear of retribution by his employer.
He appeared at a news conference wearing a mask and hat to avoid being recognized.
The formation of unions is also another step for Hong Kong protesters to have more say in the territory’s carefully managed elections.
They are seeking to erode the influence of pro-Beijing unions, including the Hong Kong Federation of Trade Unions, which command five seats on the legislative council, which comprises 70 members, half of whom are elected through five geographical districts under a proportional representation system, and the other half indirectly through 29 functional constituencies, such as accountancy and textile.
That means a small clutch of companies and industry professionals that tend to vote in favor of the pro-Beijing camp have just as much say as all the territory’s 4.1 million registered voters.
The newly formed unions can apply to receive one vote for each union after being registered for a year. If enough unions are formed, they can potentially win more seats for the pro-democracy camp, shifting the power dynamics in the council.
“The government needs the functional constituencies because it would lose majority otherwise,” Chinese University of Hong Kong Department of Government and Public Administration associate professor Ma Ngok (馬嶽) said. “It has a large impact on the LegCo’s [legislative council] legitimacy and has prompted citizens to think that the council cannot effectively represent public opinion.”
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