During the current and final legislative session ahead of next month’s elections, the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) proposed an anti-infiltration bill to provide systemic protection against Chinese infiltration.
“Infiltration” means that someone is trying to manipulate the country from within. In the past, a democratic country’s respect for national autonomy gave the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) plenty of space to use a nation’s democracy against itself by destroying democratic structures from the inside, like termites.
Australia, for example, welcomed Chinese immigrants 20 years ago, but today, they are dealing with a spy case, and there are constant incidents that run against the national interest in Australia’s political and business circles, as well as in its bureaucracy. Australia’s political parties are finally learning from their mistakes and trying to figure out what went wrong.
The scariest part of the infiltration process is that the infiltrator is in effect using a country’s own money to buy it.
China’s goal is clear: It wants to control national policy and find ways to win an effortless victory and colonize a country. In democracies, its goal is to influence politicians and the media, including traditional and social media.
In traditional media, it uses advertising and requires media outlets to broadcast its material and use hosts it assigns. The goal is to influence opinions and judgement, particularly during election campaigns, so that Beijing’s preferred candidate is elected.
In social media, it establishes Internet companies and enrolls Web writers to attack people it dislikes online and, when deemed necessary, to spread misinformation and direct public opinion. The fake news on social media sites then makes its way to traditional media, setting the direction for public opinion.
Beijing uses political donations to connect with politicians and then demand that they promote major pro-Chinese policies, while also approaching government officials using top-level executives or by offering consultancy fees.
This is how China does it in practice:
First it uses wealthy businesspeople, buying start-ups, recently completed landmark buildings and vineyards. Then it begins socializing with politicians or high-level officials with agents’ purchased status as board directors or owners of luxury buildings, offering political donations or consultancy fees, and asking that these politicians and officials lean toward China when major policies are being passed. This is how China obtained a 99-year lease on Darwin Port in Australia, for example.
The shares of capable start-up companies increase in value as their technological capabilities mature, and as luxury buildings and vineyards are completed and their markets stabilize, value increases by at least 50 percent. Five or 10 years later, when they have succeeded in meeting China’s infiltration goals, they sell the shares or buildings at a profit many times higher than what was paid, thus covering the political donations and advertising expenditures. Internet company payments are only a fraction of these expenses, but they achieve their infiltration goals just the same.
In short, it uses your money to buy your country.
As not every politician or media worker has the nation’s best interests at heart, this is precisely why an infiltration law is necessary, so the government can take a systemic approach to protecting national security and the Taiwanese public’s freedom and livelihood, and avoid being colonized by China.
Mike Chang is an accountant.
Translated by Perry Svensson
Monday was the 37th anniversary of former president Chiang Ching-kuo’s (蔣經國) death. Chiang — a son of former president Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石), who had implemented party-state rule and martial law in Taiwan — has a complicated legacy. Whether one looks at his time in power in a positive or negative light depends very much on who they are, and what their relationship with the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) is. Although toward the end of his life Chiang Ching-kuo lifted martial law and steered Taiwan onto the path of democratization, these changes were forced upon him by internal and external pressures,
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus whip Fu Kun-chi (傅?萁) has caused havoc with his attempts to overturn the democratic and constitutional order in the legislature. If we look at this devolution from the context of a transition to democracy from authoritarianism in a culturally Chinese sense — that of zhonghua (中華) — then we are playing witness to a servile spirit from a millennia-old form of totalitarianism that is intent on damaging the nation’s hard-won democracy. This servile spirit is ingrained in Chinese culture. About a century ago, Chinese satirist and author Lu Xun (魯迅) saw through the servile nature of
In their New York Times bestseller How Democracies Die, Harvard political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt said that democracies today “may die at the hands not of generals but of elected leaders. Many government efforts to subvert democracy are ‘legal,’ in the sense that they are approved by the legislature or accepted by the courts. They may even be portrayed as efforts to improve democracy — making the judiciary more efficient, combating corruption, or cleaning up the electoral process.” Moreover, the two authors observe that those who denounce such legal threats to democracy are often “dismissed as exaggerating or
Taiwan People’s Party (TPP) Acting Chairman Huang Kuo-chang (黃國昌) has formally announced his intention to stand for permanent party chairman. He has decided that he is the right person to steer the fledgling third force in Taiwan’s politics through the challenges it would certainly face in the post-Ko Wen-je (柯文哲) era, rather than serve in a caretaker role while the party finds a more suitable candidate. Huang is sure to secure the position. He is almost certainly not the right man for the job. Ko not only founded the party, he forged it into a one-man political force, with himself