Not only must the agricultural sector cope with production problems caused by natural disasters, such as typhoons and torrential rain, it must also worry about the risk of price drops caused by imports or imbalances in marketing and distribution channels.
These hazards make it difficult for farmers to maintain a stable income. Climate change and an increasingly deregulated economy will bring even greater risks to farmers and impact long-term investment and sustainable operations.
The best way to deal with agricultural risk is agricultural insurance. By shouldering part of its cost, farmers receive better protection against natural disasters than they do through disaster aid or price subsidies.
Since the government supports agricultural insurance, it can redirect traditional production subsidies toward insurance premiums and change the subsidy policy structure, so that the goal of supporting farmers’ income becomes clearer and can be more easily achieved. At the same time, agricultural insurance can be seen as a policy tool to modernize the sector and improve its production structure and operational approach.
The government has been testing agricultural insurance in recent years. In a two-pronged approach using both commercial and policy insurance, it has developed many insurance products that compensate for actual losses, income guarantees, weather parameters and so on. These types of insurance cover almost 20 kinds of agricultural and aquatic output, such as pears, pineapples, rice, bananas, mangoes, aquaculture, groupers and more. Farmers are beginning to purchase insurance, and it now covers about 9 percent of agricultural land.
Agricultural insurance is common in many other countries, and while Taiwan has been slow in adopting the practice, efforts with pilot cases are leading to improvements and results, and change is happening.
A few problems can be anticipated. For example, there is a lack of risk-sharing mechanisms, which would increase the financial risk to the government and farmers.
There is also no agricultural insurance fund, which would make it difficult to achieve financially stable insurance services, and the lack of development of different kinds of agricultural insurance would have an impact on insurance scope and diversity, while the scarcity of independent, complete data and damage surveys would increase the government burden further.
Finally, there is a lack of programs for training personnel and promoting the initiative. In addition, the relationship between agricultural insurance, existing production subsidies and disaster relief, as well as their respective responsibilities, must also be clarified.
These issues cannot be resolved at the current testing stage, mainly because there is no legal foundation.
The Cabinet submitted a draft agricultural insurance act to the legislature on July 22, but as the current legislative session is the last before January’s elections, legislators are busy campaigning and have given little attention to reviewing bills.
Reviews of bills that are not passed this session would not continue in the next, which is tantamount to returning it to the Cabinet, which would have to resubmit it. This would impact the long-term planning and operation of agricultural insurance.
The draft agricultural insurance act must be passed during the current legislative session in order to offer farmers real income guarantees and to bring the contributions by the incumbent legislators to a successful and historic end.
Yang Min-hsien is a professor at Feng Chia University and former president of the Rural Economics Society of Taiwan.
Translated by Perry Svensson
Jan. 1 marks a decade since China repealed its one-child policy. Just 10 days before, Peng Peiyun (彭珮雲), who long oversaw the often-brutal enforcement of China’s family-planning rules, died at the age of 96, having never been held accountable for her actions. Obituaries praised Peng for being “reform-minded,” even though, in practice, she only perpetuated an utterly inhumane policy, whose consequences have barely begun to materialize. It was Vice Premier Chen Muhua (陳慕華) who first proposed the one-child policy in 1979, with the endorsement of China’s then-top leaders, Chen Yun (陳雲) and Deng Xiaoping (鄧小平), as a means of avoiding the
As the Chinese People’s Liberation Army (PLA) races toward its 2027 modernization goals, most analysts fixate on ship counts, missile ranges and artificial intelligence. Those metrics matter — but they obscure a deeper vulnerability. The true future of the PLA, and by extension Taiwan’s security, might hinge less on hardware than on whether the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) can preserve ideological loyalty inside its own armed forces. Iran’s 1979 revolution demonstrated how even a technologically advanced military can collapse when the social environment surrounding it shifts. That lesson has renewed relevance as fresh unrest shakes Iran today — and it should
The last foreign delegation Nicolas Maduro met before he went to bed Friday night (January 2) was led by China’s top Latin America diplomat. “I had a pleasant meeting with Qiu Xiaoqi (邱小琪), Special Envoy of President Xi Jinping (習近平),” Venezuela’s soon-to-be ex-president tweeted on Telegram, “and we reaffirmed our commitment to the strategic relationship that is progressing and strengthening in various areas for building a multipolar world of development and peace.” Judging by how minutely the Central Intelligence Agency was monitoring Maduro’s every move on Friday, President Trump himself was certainly aware of Maduro’s felicitations to his Chinese guest. Just
In the US’ National Security Strategy (NSS) report released last month, US President Donald Trump offered his interpretation of the Monroe Doctrine. The “Trump Corollary,” presented on page 15, is a distinctly aggressive rebranding of the more than 200-year-old foreign policy position. Beyond reasserting the sovereignty of the western hemisphere against foreign intervention, the document centers on energy and strategic assets, and attempts to redraw the map of the geopolitical landscape more broadly. It is clear that Trump no longer sees the western hemisphere as a peaceful backyard, but rather as the frontier of a new Cold War. In particular,