Nearly seven decades after Cambodia gained independence from France, Cambodians are still struggling for the right to determine their future.
However, it is no longer an outside power that is stealing their autonomy, but their own authoritarian government, led by Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen, the world’s longest-serving prime minister.
He must be stopped, and this month I will return to my home country to help make that happen.
Hun Sen, a former member of the Khmer Rouge — the group responsible for killing nearly a quarter of Cambodia’s 7 million people from 1975 to 1979 — understands only one kind of governance: strongman rule founded on violence and intimidation.
So for 34 years, Hun Sen has been working to transform Cambodia’s democracy into a dictatorship, with the ambition of handing over governmental control to one of his sons.
To this end, he has systematically dismantled opposition forces — in particular, the Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP).
As Cambodia’s first united democratic opposition party, the CNRP, which Kem Sokha and I founded in 2012, terrifies Hun Sen, because it is the only party capable of providing an alternative to his dictatorship.
This became clear in the 2013 general election and the 2017 communal elections: In both cases, the CNRP won nearly half of the vote.
Add to that a 2016 opinion poll indicating even higher levels of support for the CNRP and Hun Sen knew that he had to take drastic action to retain his grip on power.
In September 2017, Hun Sen had CNRP president Kem Sokha arrested on politically motivated charges. He spent a year in prison and remains under house arrest without trial, a breach of Cambodia’s constitution.
Many other opposition figures have been arrested, harassed or beaten up. Some — including me — have been forced into exile.
In November 2017, a court officially disbanded the CNRP, on executive orders. This cleared the way for Hun Sen’s Cambodian People’s Party (CPP) to make a clean sweep in last year’s general election. With no genuine opposition, the sham vote gave the CPP every seat in the national assembly.
A more blatant breach of the 1991 Paris Peace Agreements, which ended Cambodia’s brutal civil war and prescribed a pluralistic democratic system, would be difficult to imagine, but the crackdown on opposition has continued with impunity.
A free and independent press is no more.
Hun Sen’s dictatorship has also put the economy in serious danger. Cambodia is at risk of losing its tariff-free access to the EU market, provided through the bloc’s Everything But Arms trade regime, and to the US market, as a beneficiary of the Generalized System of Preferences.
Either loss — let alone both — would devastate Cambodia’s economy. China, burdened by its own economic and political problems, cannot be expected to pick up the slack. Hundreds of thousands of jobs would be lost. The outlook for Cambodia’s overwhelmingly young population would become even bleaker.
However, Cambodia’s exiled opposition is fighting back. On Nov. 9, we will return to our country to demand that Hun Sen change course.
Not surprisingly, he and his inner circle are furious about our plans, claiming that they amount to a coup attempt, but it is their own policies that are jeopardizing their rule.
Political freedom and economic prosperity go hand in hand.
History shows that damaging economic developments can fuel social and political unrest, even under a harsh authoritarian regime.
The 2011 Arab Spring uprisings, which were triggered by rising wheat prices in Tunisia, are a case in point.
If Hun Sen cannot grasp the threat posed by the loss of Cambodia’s major export markets to the economy — and, indeed, to his own regime — he should make way for someone who does.
He must not allow Cambodia, scarred by past violence, to descend once again into bloodshed.
Cambodia is undoubtedly capable of nonviolent conflict resolution. Unlike many other former European colonies, we achieved independence peacefully, through a negotiated agreement. With genuine political will on all sides, that success can be repeated.
This requires, first and foremost, the release of Kem Sokha, the reinstatement of the CNRP and a (relatively short) timetable for a free and fair national election.
Far from supporting a peaceful resolution to Cambodia’s political and economic crisis, Hun Sen has promised to sever the fingers of anyone who flashes the “nine fingers” sign in support of our return and to arrest anyone who comes to greet us.
In that case, he will probably need a jail with space for at least a million people — and perhaps many more.
However, Cambodians should not be left to resist Hun Sen’s regime on their own. All friends of Cambodia, especially the 18 signatory countries of the Paris Peace Agreements, must do everything in their power to dissuade Cambodia’s dictator from using violence against his own people, simply for claiming rights and freedoms that are guaranteed by an international treaty.
When we arrive home this month, we will stand up for Cambodian democracy. We hope that the international community will stand with us.
Sam Rainsy is acting president of the Cambodia National Rescue Party.
Copyright: Project Syndicate
Chinese strongman Xi Jinping (習近平) hasn’t had a very good spring, either economically or politically. Not that long ago, he seemed to be riding high. The PRC economy had been on a long winning streak of more than six percent annual growth, catapulting the world’s most populous nation into the second-largest power, behind only the United States. Hundreds of millions had been brought out of poverty. Beijing’s military too had emerged as the most powerful in Asia, lagging only behind the US, the long-time leader on the global stage. One can attribute much of the recent downturn to the international economic
On Sept. 27, 2002, the Democratic Republic of Timor-Leste (East Timor) joined the UN to become its 191st member. Since then, two other nations have joined, Montenegro on June 28, 2006, and South Sudan on July 14, 2011. The combined total of the populations of these three nations is just more than half that of Taiwan’s 23.7 million people. East Timor has 1.3 million, Montenegro has slightly more than half a million and South Sudan has 10.9 million. They all are members of the UN, yet much more populous Taiwan is denied membership. Of the three, East Timor, as a Southeast Asian
Taiwan has for decades singlehandedly borne the brunt of a revanchist, ultra-nationalist China — until now. Ever since Australian Prime Minister Scott Morrison had the temerity to call for a transparent, international investigation into the origins of the COVID-19 pandemic, Beijing has been turning the screws on Canberra. This has included unleashing aggressive “wolf warrior” diplomats to intimidate Australian policymakers, enacting punitive tariffs on its exports, and threatening an embargo on Chinese tourists and students to the nation. A tense situation became more serious on June 19 after Morrison revealed that a “sophisticated state-based actor” — read: China — had launched a