The latest attacks on a Saudi Arabian oil field and processing facility have led to a sudden surge in the market price of crude oil, exposing the vulnerability of industrialized nations that rely on imported oil to fuel their economies. China is no exception.
In the past few years, China’s dependence on energy resources from the Middle East and its pursuit of bilateral ties through the Belt and Road Initiative have marked a clear departure from its earlier policy of supporting local revolutionary movements.
Israel was the first state in the Middle East to recognize the People’s Republic of China in January 1950, but the countries only established formal diplomatic ties in 1992.
Throughout the 1960s, China cultivated warmer relations with the Arab world. Seeing the Palestinian liberation as part of a global anti-imperialist struggle, it armed various guerrilla groups against Israel.
When it abandoned its support of revolutionary communism in the 1980s, China considered Israel to be a valuable strategic partner, and therefore sought broader socioeconomic and technological collaborations.
Today, China has overtaken the US as the largest buyer of oil from the Middle East, importing more than half of its crude oil from the region, which raises serious logistical problems.
First, China’s oil reserve cannot fully satisfy its level of energy consumption, but it has yet to expand its strategic petroleum reserve. The country is still vulnerable to fluctuations in oil prices caused by geopolitical and military crises in the Middle East.
Second, China does not have a powerful ocean navy to protect its oil tankers sailing through the Red Sea, Indian Ocean and the Straits of Malacca. While counting on Washington to guard these important ocean shipping lanes, Beijing’s pursuit of energy security often clashes with the US’ Middle East policy.
This political reality differs immensely from the Chinese media’s projection of the country’s willingness to assert its military influence in the Middle East.
Last year, the widely acclaimed movie Operation Red Sea (紅海行動) was released. It portrays a mighty Chinese navy that is capable of filling the power vacuum left by the US, and which undertakes humanitarian and military operations in the war-torn, yet oil-rich, region.
As the US has paid a high price to be a hegemon in the Middle East, China has deliberately kept a low profile and seldom chooses sides in conflicts.
For now, at least, countering US regional influence does not seem to be a top priority for China.
During former US president Barack Obama’s administration, Washington welcomed growing Chinese security engagements in the region and conducted numerous bilateral talks over shared interests, but US President Donald Trump suspended these diplomatic exchanges after assuming office in 2016.
To counter US suspicions, China is diversifying its energy supply system.
In times of chaos and confusion, China refers to the UN as an ideal platform to debate and seek solutions to the vital problems facing the Middle East.
In doing so, it advances the Sino-centric vision of global governance, opposing external intervention in domestic affairs of nation-states, and favoring the absolute rule of sovereign governments over individuals and intermediary organizations.
With respect to elite politics, China has cultivated long-term relationships with major ruling families and military strongmen.
Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) has met with Saudi Arabian Crown Prince Mohammad bin Salman five times, and the prince has paid three high-profile visits to China.
Many Saudi Arabian oil engineers, military officers and state-owned company executives who used to go to the US for training are going to China instead.
Given the authoritarian nature of many Middle Eastern states, China perceives the region as a promising market for its technological products. The most notorious example is Huawei Technologies Co’s sale of advanced surveillance technologies to Iran.
To bypass US sanctions, Huawei has allegedly used a high-tech company in Hong Kong to develop surveillance technologies for Iranian clients, relying on the territory’s open banking system for financial transactions.
Evidently, China has embraced a holistic diplomatic strategy to reach out to the Middle East. Although still far from replacing the US as a dominant regional player, its proactive efforts are bearing fruit and the world is taking notice of its incremental expansion.
Joseph Tse-Hei Lee is professor of history at Pace University in New York City.
The conflict in the Middle East has been disrupting financial markets, raising concerns about rising inflationary pressures and global economic growth. One market that some investors are particularly worried about has not been heavily covered in the news: the private credit market. Even before the joint US-Israeli attacks on Iran on Feb. 28, global capital markets had faced growing structural pressure — the deteriorating funding conditions in the private credit market. The private credit market is where companies borrow funds directly from nonbank financial institutions such as asset management companies, insurance companies and private lending platforms. Its popularity has risen since
The Donald Trump administration’s approach to China broadly, and to cross-Strait relations in particular, remains a conundrum. The 2025 US National Security Strategy prioritized the defense of Taiwan in a way that surprised some observers of the Trump administration: “Deterring a conflict over Taiwan, ideally by preserving military overmatch, is a priority.” Two months later, Taiwan went entirely unmentioned in the US National Defense Strategy, as did military overmatch vis-a-vis China, giving renewed cause for concern. How to interpret these varying statements remains an open question. In both documents, the Indo-Pacific is listed as a second priority behind homeland defense and
Every analyst watching Iran’s succession crisis is asking who would replace supreme leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. Yet, the real question is whether China has learned enough from the Persian Gulf to survive a war over Taiwan. Beijing purchases roughly 90 percent of Iran’s exported crude — some 1.61 million barrels per day last year — and holds a US$400 billion, 25-year cooperation agreement binding it to Tehran’s stability. However, this is not simply the story of a patron protecting an investment. China has spent years engineering a sanctions-evasion architecture that was never really about Iran — it was about Taiwan. The
After “Operation Absolute Resolve” to capture former Venezuelan president Nicolas Maduro, the US joined Israel on Saturday last week in launching “Operation Epic Fury” to remove Iranian supreme leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei and his theocratic regime leadership team. The two blitzes are widely believed to be a prelude to US President Donald Trump changing the geopolitical landscape in the Indo-Pacific region, targeting China’s rise. In the National Security Strategic report released in December last year, the Trump administration made it clear that the US would focus on “restoring American pre-eminence in the Western hemisphere,” and “competing with China economically and militarily