Australia’s federal government must focus on building new free-trade agreements and give up the dream of a budget surplus if the country is to withstand the impact of a hard landing by the Chinese economy, a report said.
The risks to China’s economy are growing — among them the US-China trade war, colossal corporate and household debts, and the mounting political crisis in Hong Kong — placing the leadership in Beijing under increasing pressure to sustain the growth that has propelled it to superpower status in the past three decades.
If Beijing does experience its first recession or serious downturn of the capitalist era, Australia “will not be able to avoid economic disruption,” the report by the China Matters think tank said.
In the worst-case scenario modeled by Deloitte, if China’s economic growth were to shrink from the current 6.5 percent to 3 percent, Australia would stand to lose A$140 billion (US$94.1 billion) in income and more than half a million jobs.
In a less gloomy outcome, the Reserve Bank of Australia (RBA) has found that a slowdown of 5 percent in the Chinese economy would see Australia lose 2.5 percent growth over three years.
“While Australia has benefited from the growth of the [Chinese] economy, it also leaves us relatively more vulnerable in the event of a downturn,” wrote the report’s author, Jeremy Thorpe, who is chief economist at the consultancy PwC.
The most obvious impact would be on commodity prices. The export of raw materials to China makes up a huge chunk of Australia’s massive A$8 billion trade surplus with China.
However, earnings from resources such as iron ore and coal — and the range of consumer goods now increasingly traded to China, such as wine, beef and baby formula — would slump if Chinese demand dried up in a recession, leaving a huge hole in federal and state budgets.
Although a falling Australian dollar could offset some of the damage by making Australian products more competitive, an accelerated slowdown in China would “likely result in mine closures or mothballings, with consequent job losses in pockets of regional Australia and lower royalties.
BUDGETARY COSTS
Hence, in addition to the revenue shock for Australian governments, there would also be additional budgetary costs from a Chinese slowdown, the report says.
Sectors such as tourism and education, both of which are attractive to Chinese visitors, would also feel the pain.
The trigger for a China downturn could come from a number of points, the report says.
Most obviously, the current trade standoff with the US has given global markets the jitters and injected sharp volatility into stock and currency movements. The yuan, for example, has fallen to an 11-and-a-half-year low under the pressure of weakening exports.
China is also sitting on a huge debt pile. Total government, corporate and household debt is close to 300 percent of gross domestic product. The collapse this year of Baoshang bank — the first in 20 years for the sector — suggests that the Chinese economy might have deeper-seated problems than the headline growth figure of 6.5 percent might indicate.
“The single biggest risk to the Chinese economy lies in the financial sector,” with the opaque nature of the country’s shadow banking system a particular area of concern to economists, RBA Governor Philip Lowe said last year.
Then there is Hong Kong. The former British colony is witnessing the biggest political crisis since the handover to Beijing 22 years ago and economists are predicting that its economy would fall into recession this year.
Intervention by Chinese security forces could further damage the economy and would threaten the territory’s reputation as a hub for international corporations.
REGIONAL DEALS
China Matters says Australia’s response to these possible shocks should be to continue to promote free-trade agreements. A priority should be a regional deal taking in Southeast Asian nations plus Japan, India, New Zealand, China and South Korea. A free-trade agreement with the EU would open up a market of half a billion people.
In addition, Treasurer of Australia Josh Frydenberg should be prepared to “sacrifice projections of the budget returning to surplus given likely tax revenue shocks and the need to increase spending to stimulate the economy.”
The government and regulators should also redouble efforts to ensure that Australia’s banks are equipped with sufficient reserves to withstand any China shock to their balance sheets.
Eleanor Creagh, at Saxo Capital Markets in Sydney, said that China’s economy was at a crossroads.
“China has seen credit growth at extreme levels, but there has been a deleveraging campaign going on, which has had an impact on economic growth. It’s a fine line for China right now between deleveraging and maintaining growth levels,” she said.
Although she sees any significant China downturn as a prospect for the longer term, Creagh said policymakers and investors in Australia should have the possibility of a hard landing on their radar.
“It goes without saying that it would not just be Australia that would feel it. The knock-on effect would be for the whole global economy. Australia would therefore feel a double hit as a small, open economy, and the RBA doesn’t have as much ammo as they had in 2008 to fight the next crisis,” she said.
For three years and three months, Taiwan’s bid to join the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP) has remained stalled. On Nov. 29, members meeting in Vancouver agreed to establish a working group for Costa Rica’s entry — the fifth applicant in line — but not for Taiwan. As Taiwan’s prospects for CPTPP membership fade due to “politically sensitive issues,” what strategy should it adopt to overcome this politically motivated economic exclusion? The situation is not entirely dim; these challenges offer an opportunity to reimagine the export-driven country’s international trade strategy. Following the US’ withdrawal from the Trans-Pacific Partnership
Two major Chinese Communist Party (CCP)-People’s Liberation Army (PLA) power demonstrations in November 2024 highlight the urgency for Taiwan to pursue a military buildup and deterrence agenda that can take back control of its destiny. First, the CCP-PLA’s planned future for Taiwan of war, bloody suppression, and use as a base for regional aggression was foreshadowed by the 9th and largest PLA-Russia Joint Bomber Exercise of Nov. 29 and 30. It was double that of previous bomber exercises, with both days featuring combined combat strike groups of PLA Air Force and Russian bombers escorted by PLAAF and Russian fighters, airborne early warning
Since the end of former president Ma Ying-jeou’s (馬英九) administration, the Ma Ying-jeou Foundation has taken Taiwanese students to visit China and invited Chinese students to Taiwan. Ma calls those activities “cross-strait exchanges,” yet the trips completely avoid topics prohibited by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), such as democracy, freedom and human rights — all of which are universal values. During the foundation’s most recent Chinese student tour group, a Fudan University student used terms such as “China, Taipei” and “the motherland” when discussing Taiwan’s recent baseball victory. The group’s visit to Zhongshan Girls’ High School also received prominent coverage in
India and China have taken a significant step toward disengagement of their military troops after reaching an agreement on the long-standing disputes in the Galwan Valley. For government officials and policy experts, this move is welcome, signaling the potential resolution of the enduring border issues between the two countries. However, it is crucial to consider the potential impact of this disengagement on India’s relationship with Taiwan. Over the past few years, there have been important developments in India-Taiwan relations, including exchanges between heads of state soon after Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s third electoral victory. This raises the pressing question: