As the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) completed the melodrama surrounding its amendments of the Chinese constitution, it has further concentrated the leadership of the country in its own hands. The CCP’s overriding political concern was to attain complete leadership over the nation and that this state of affairs be written into the constitution.
The constitutional amendments might have been made to satisfy Chinese President Xi Jinping’s (習近平) political ambitions, but they have also become an extremely controversial part of the history of the Chinese political system, proving once again that the constitution is just a tool for Chinese leaders to exercise their power.
When the CCP decided to include “the great rejuvenation of the Chinese people” and the building of “a community with a shared future for humanity” in the constitution, it did so because it wanted to widen its vision of China’s development. This is nothing but propaganda thick with ideological undertones.
As the party continues its economic reform and military expansionism, these constitutional amendments highlight the party’s anti-democratic nature and determination to continue suppressing dissent. This signifies that China will continue to face even greater political risks as long as the CCP remains in power.
The CCP’s political system is unusual in that it allows Xi’s “thought” to be written into the constitution and requires that the constitution be subject to the leadership of the party and the military.
This is rare for a political system. In a nation that has long been ruled by strongman politics, all the changes the CCP made to its political system are meant to push its policies.
From a historical perspective, the more open and free a nation’s economic development, the greater the possibility that its political system will develop in the direction of democracy and the rule of law.
This means that the Chinese public’s calls for democracy and freedom, the differentiation of government administrative functions, the diversification of social interests and so on will pose huge challenges to absolute leadership and centralized power, as well as to the Chinese political environment in general.
As Xi perpetuates his despotic rule, he will seek to further expand his powers. With his personal ambition and alack of checks and balances or restrictions built into the system, it is very likely that this absolute power will result in absolute corruption.
Such development runs contrary to the demands for increased political participation that develop in more advanced societies. This mechanism will likely build pressure on the Chinese political environment.
From an international perspective, the CCP’s current political model poses a potential challenge to Western universal values. As Beijing moves away from collective leadership toward a more centralized system, it could take a tougher stance on international issues, thereby creating regional instability.
There is an increasing possibility that Beijing would act unilaterally and irrationally, and that this would intensify caution and distrust from the international community. There is even a risk that it could result in another wave of “China threat” theories.
Taiwan is about to face a long period of Chinese strongman politics. That requires a proactive response, because the CCP has never abandoned its goal of annexing Taiwan and using the resolution of the unification issue as a means to consolidate the legitimacy of its power.
Beijing has set a political goal to build a domestic consensus. It is not very difficult to see that the CCP regime will follow up on its centralization of power by taking a tough stance toward Taiwan.
It will make a greater effort to lure Taiwanese by adopting dual tactics: taking a tough stance to prevent independence while adopting a softer stance aimed at promoting unification.
It will also enhance its psychological, economic and diplomatic warfare against the nation. That means Taiwan would face even tougher challenges ahead.
Moreover, the pressure on Taiwan is growing in terms of security and competition, because its competitor holds more bargaining chips. China will never stop squeezing Taiwan’s international space, and it will keep threatening, luring, disuniting and penetrating Taiwan and the Taiwanese public, posing one new threat after another.
Taiwan should cautiously evaluate the risks and consequences of any future cross-strait exchanges to protect its own rights, interests and security.
More importantly, Taiwan must take an even more proactive approach in terms of geopolitics to maintain the balance in cross-strait relations, while at the same time boosting its economic and national strength.
It should also expand its strategic deployments and increase the level of exchanges and cooperation with the Asia-Pacific region and other free nations worldwide, while also enhancing its connections to the global community to raise its international visibility.
Finally, it should raise its defense capabilities and increase the public’s confidence and consensus to resolve the Chinese threats while working to create more niches for Taiwan.
Chang Yan-ting is an adjunct professor at National Defense University.
Translated by Eddy Chang
In the event of a war with China, Taiwan has some surprisingly tough defenses that could make it as difficult to tackle as a porcupine: A shoreline dotted with swamps, rocks and concrete barriers; conscription for all adult men; highways and airports that are built to double as hardened combat facilities. This porcupine has a soft underbelly, though, and the war in Iran is exposing it: energy. About 39,000 ships dock at Taiwan’s ports each year, more than the 30,000 that transit the Strait of Hormuz. About one-fifth of their inbound tonnage is coal, oil, refined fuels and liquefied natural gas (LNG),
To counter the CCP’s escalating threats, Taiwan must build a national consensus and demonstrate the capability and the will to fight. The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) often leans on a seductive mantra to soften its threats, such as “Chinese do not kill Chinese.” The slogan is designed to frame territorial conquest (annexation) as a domestic family matter. A look at the historical ledger reveals a different truth. For the CCP, being labeled “family” has never been a guarantee of safety; it has been the primary prerequisite for state-sanctioned slaughter. From the forced starvation of 150,000 civilians at the Siege of Changchun
The two major opposition parties, the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) and the Taiwan People’s Party (TPP), jointly announced on Tuesday last week that former TPP lawmaker Chang Chi-kai (張啟楷) would be their joint candidate for Chiayi mayor, following polling conducted earlier this month. It is the first case of blue-white (KMT-TPP) cooperation in selecting a joint candidate under an agreement signed by their chairpersons last month. KMT and TPP supporters have blamed their 2024 presidential election loss on failing to decide on a joint candidate, which ended in a dramatic breakdown with participants pointing fingers, calling polls unfair, sobbing and walking
In recent weeks, Taiwan has witnessed a surge of public anxiety over the possible introduction of Indian migrant workers. What began as a policy signal from the Ministry of Labor quickly escalated into a broader controversy. Petitions gathered thousands of signatures within days, political figures issued strong warnings, and social media became saturated with concerns about public safety and social stability. At first glance, this appears to be a straightforward policy question: Should Taiwan introduce Indian migrant workers or not? However, this framing is misleading. The current debate is not fundamentally about India. It is about Taiwan’s labor system, its
RSS