Rising tensions between the UK and Russia are further proof that Russia and the West, according to no less an authority than that of Council on Foreign Relations president Richard Haass, have entered a “Cold War II.” I tend to disagree.
Yes, Russia’s relations with the US, and now also with the UK, are worse than in the 1950s, and the chance of a direct conflict is higher than at any time since the 1962 Cuban missile crisis. Given the complexity of today’s strategic nuclear weapons and the systems designed to neutralize them, one cannot rule out the possibility that some actor on either side, or a third party, could provoke an escalation.
Making matters worse, communication between US and Russian leaders is all but non-existent, owing to the lack of trust on both sides. Among those in the US, feelings toward Russia verge on something close to hatred and many in Russia now regard those in the US with ill-concealed disdain.
This psychological backdrop to the bilateral relationship truly is worse than during the Cold War, but that does not mean that today’s tensions amount to a sequel. Such a confrontation would require an ideological component that is decidedly lacking on the Russian side.
Russia has no intention of waging another Cold War. Although some degree of confrontation with the US does help Russian President Vladimir Putin unite the public while burnishing Russian elites’ nationalist credentials, Russia is not an ideologically motivated state. What ideology it does have is based in Russian culture and civilization, which it is not interested in exporting.
The Kremlin prefers not to proselytize on Russia’s behalf. Russia’s approach to international affairs has long centered on respect for national interests and sovereignty, and the belief that all peoples and nations should have the freedom to make their own political, economic and cultural choices. Russia also embraces universal human values such as trust in God, family and country, as well as self-fulfillment through service to society and nation.
I dream of the possibility that even 2 percent of the accusations concerning Russian “interference” in the 2016 US election prove true. It would bolster my self-esteem as a Russian, while educating those in the US — whose government has long interfered in other countries’ internal affairs — about the dangers of throwing stones from a glass house.
The problem between Russia and the West is really a problem among Westerners themselves. The US establishment is using the scarecrow of Russian interference to regain its lost political control, particularly in the realm of social media, where a discontented population and maverick politicians have finally found a voice.
However, even if the US’ elites do manage to wrest back control, the deeper source of Western angst would remain.
For at least the past decade, the world has been witnessing the endgame of the West’s 500-year hegemony.
It started in the 16th century, when Europe developed better guns and warships, and began its imperial expansion. In the following centuries, Europeans would use their economic, cultural, political and especially military dominance to siphon off the world’s wealth.
For a few decades in the second half of the 20th century, the West’s dominant position was challenged by the Soviet Union and China, but after the Soviet Union imploded, the US emerged as the sole hegemon and the world seemed to return to its historic “status quo.”
However, the US overextended itself soon enough by plunging into geopolitical misadventures like the invasion of Iraq. Then came the 2008 financial crisis, which exposed the weaknesses of 21st century capitalism.
At the same time, the US has long pursued military superiority. In 2002, it unilaterally abrogated the 1972 Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty and, more recently, it has embarked on a massive buildup of conventional forces and a large-scale modernization of its nuclear arsenal.
Still, Russia, China and the rest of the world would not allow a return to US hegemony. Putin has made this clear by unveiling a number of new, cutting-edge strategic weapons systems, as part of what I would call a strategy of “preemptive deterrence.” The message was that the US cannot hope to regain absolute military superiority, even if it decides to bleed itself dry in an arms race, as the Soviet Union did.
Preliminary assessments that my colleagues and I recently carried out suggest that even if the US decides to wage a unilateral Cold War, its chances against Russia, China and other emerging powers would not be very good. The balance of military, political, economic and moral power has simply shifted too far away from the West to be reversed.
Nonetheless, a new Cold War, even if largely one-sided, would be extremely dangerous for humanity. The world’s major powers should concentrate on strengthening international strategic stability through dialogue, reopening channels of communications between militaries and restoring civility to their interactions.
We should also consider establishing more diplomatic, legislative, academic and educational exchanges. Most of all, we must stop demonizing each other.
The world is entering a dangerous period, but if we are wise, we can build a more balanced international system — one in which the major powers deter one another while cooperating to solve global problems. Meanwhile, smaller countries would be freer to develop according to their own political, cultural and economic preferences.
The previous, Western-led system has collapsed. To ensure a peaceful future, we need to start working together to build a new one.
Sergei Karaganov is dean of the School of International Economics and Foreign Affairs at the National Research University Higher School of Economics in Moscow and honorary chairman of Russia’s Council on Foreign and Defense Policy.
Copyright: Project Syndicate
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