Carrie Lam (林鄭月娥) was sworn in by Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) as Hong Kong’s fourth chief executive on the 20th anniversary of the handover of the territory to China. She is in office, but not in power. Her administration is bound to confront governance crises at three levels.
First, no one would dispute that Lam is far more competent, intelligent and respected than her unpopular predecessor, former Hong Kong chief executive Leung Chun-Ying (梁振英). However, as Beijing’s hand-picked representative, she is politically crippled and lacks legitimacy in the eyes of the public.
Without a legitimate election that allowed people to choose her as their leader, she has to kowtow to Beijing and her political loyalty is much more important than the will of Hong Kongers.
The real authority for handling major constitutional and public affairs in Hong Kong now rests with Beijing’s liaison office, which is widely seen as a “second government” with immense power to dictate all levels of decisionmaking.
Second, when Xi referred to Beijing’s absolute control over the sovereignty of Hong Kong as a “red line” that could not be crossed, it was a stark warning to everyone.
His message was clearly intended for Lam, urging her to place China’s national interests above everything. If Xi really meant it, his speech would be an ultimatum rather than a sincere effort to empower Lam in dealing with local pro-democracy advocates.
Nonetheless, this threat comes as most Hong Kongers refuse to embrace a Chinese identity. Worrying about the territory’s marginalization by China, Hong Kongers have taken initiatives to protect Cantonese cultural heritage, defend human rights, and oppose ideological indoctrination in schools and the mass media.
On Saturday last week, 60,000 demonstrators, mostly post-colonial young people, protested Beijing’s tightening grip on their political rights and freedoms, demanding self-determination for the territory. They refused to give up the struggle in exchange for any token concessions.
Third, Xi’s unusual warning at the inauguration ceremony was probably due to internal political strains more than the rising localism in Hong Kong.
The Hong Kong question is intertwined with princely and factional rivalries in national politics. The communist state will reach a critical juncture this autumn, with a relatively moderate faction competing with ideological hard-liners in the 19th National Congress of the Chinese Communist Party.
In this volatile situation, Xi is determined to project and retain an image of charisma, competence and charm at home and abroad. If he failed to present himself as a powerful sovereign ruler in Hong Kong, he would find it difficult to pacify his opponents, justify his heavy-handed anti-corruption measures and demand party officials show their allegiance to his leadership.
Undoubtedly, Xi is reassessing the sustainability of the “one country, two systems” framework. Whether Beijing will downgrade the special administrative status of Hong Kong, and remove all political and socioeconomic concessions remains to be seen.
Xi’s tough rhetoric suggests that Hong Kong’s future depends on faster and greater integration with China. Instead of easing local fears and grievances, Beijing has set out to curb the pro-independence force through coercion.
Yet the punitive policies might not intimidate the frustrated population. Hong Kongers can discuss their future well-being within the Chinese political union. Perhaps the most sensible strategy is to appeal and send a strong message to Lam about their desire for democratic rule.
Joseph Tse-hei Lee is a professor of history at Pace University in New York City.
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