On Sept. 29, three boilers at Formosa Chemicals & Fibre Corp’s coal-fired power plant were shut down after the Changhua County Government rejected an application to extend their operation permits. The company turned to the media and the central government, asking the latter to intervene as a mediator.
In response, Minister of Economic Affairs Lee Chih-kung (李世光) said that the plant complies with the strictest emission standards and that no one wants to see the company shut down the plant under such circumstances.
In addition, President Tsai Ing-wen (蔡英文) has instructed Environmental Protection Administration Minister Lee Ying-yuan (李應元) to serve as a liaison between the county government and the company.
It is necessary for the central government to coordinate administrative affairs, but the question is why it failed to do so and even hesitated to make such an effort for a long time, and why it decided to step forward as a mediator only after the county government made its decision.
It was not easy for the county government to make the decision, as it had to deal with calls from both the company and environmental groups. As the central government starts mediating in the case, people are beginning to question whether it is doing so out of fear of the company or because it feels that the local government’s decision was inappropriate. In either case, an intervention could hurt the central government’s image and credibility.
The central and local governments have different powers and responsibilities, but the government must act as one. Unfortunately, governments at different levels have often played different tunes in recent years, which has made things more difficult and problematic.
Take the Formosa case for instance: The county government rejected the permit extension application for the boilers 37 times, while the county government’s Environmental Protection Bureau claimed that on 20 of those occasions, the company resubmitted the same document to the bureau. If the two parties had been able to communicate effectively, the company would not have had to submit the application so many times and the deadlock could have been avoided.
In addition, Lee should insist on the protection of the environment as he tries to mediate the dispute, despite the difficulties. At the very least, he should demand that the company shut down its coal-fired power generators to provide a better living environment for county residents. This is the minimum requirement that must form the basis for restarting negotiations, and it could help the central government avoid once again damaging the public’s trust in the government and clear the plant’s image of being a source of pollution.
There is a contention between economic development and environmental protection, but the two are not completely opposed to each other. The advancement of technology has made it possible for people to make smart choices. Moving toward sustainable development through energy savings and carbon reduction is a major global issue, and the government has new ideas and development strategies, and would take action.
As technology continues to develop, large enterprises should make an effort to transform or upgrade production methods to reduce pollution. By doing so, they would win public praise and be able to generate even higher economic value.
Chang Huey-por is a former president of National Changhua University of Education.
Translated by Eddy Chang
When Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) sits down with US President Donald Trump in Beijing on Thursday next week, Xi is unlikely to demand a dramatic public betrayal of Taiwan. He does not need to. Beijing’s preferred victory is smaller, quieter and in some ways far more dangerous: a subtle shift in American wording that appears technical, but carries major strategic meaning. The ask is simple: replace the longstanding US formulation that Washington “does not support Taiwan independence” with a harder one — that Washington “opposes” Taiwan independence. One word changes; a deterrence structure built over decades begins to shift.
Recently, Taipei’s streets have been plagued by the bizarre sight of rats running rampant and the city government’s countermeasures have devolved into an anti-intellectual farce. The Taipei Parks and Street Lights Office has attempted to eradicate rats by filling their burrows with polyurethane foam, seeming to believe that rats could not simply dig another path out. Meanwhile, as the nation’s capital slowly deteriorates into a rat hive, the Taipei Department of Environmental Protection has proudly pointed to the increase in the number of poisoned rats reported in February and March as a sign of success. When confronted with public concerns over young
Taipei is facing a severe rat infestation, and the city government is reportedly considering large-scale use of rodenticides as its primary control measure. However, this move could trigger an ecological disaster, including mass deaths of birds of prey. In the past, black kites, relatives of eagles, took more than three decades to return to the skies above the Taipei Basin. Taiwan’s black kite population was nearly wiped out by the combined effects of habitat destruction, pesticides and rodenticides. By 1992, fewer than 200 black kites remained on the island. Fortunately, thanks to more than 30 years of collective effort to preserve their remaining
After Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) Chairwoman Cheng Li-wun (鄭麗文) met Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) in Beijing, most headlines referred to her as the leader of the opposition in Taiwan. Is she really, though? Being the chairwoman of the KMT does not automatically translate into being the leader of the opposition in the sense that most foreign readers would understand it. “Leader of the opposition” is a very British term. It applies to the Westminster system of parliamentary democracy, and to some extent, to other democracies. If you look at the UK right now, Conservative Party head Kemi Badenoch is