According to a poll published on Tuesday by the University of Hong Kong’s Public Opinion Programme, 35 percent of Hong Kong residents support Taiwanese independence, the highest percentage since 1994.
However, there is one other figure that is particularly noteworthy for Taiwanese: 67 percent of Hong Kong residents aged between 18 and 29 support Taiwanese independence.
The proportion of young Hong Kongers supporting Taiwanese independence is in line with the recent wave of localist fervor in Hong Kong and the emergence of a Hong Kong independence movement.
In the New Territories East by-election, a constituency predominantly comprised of young Hong Kongers, localist group Hong Kong Indigenous performed outstandingly, which shows how much the youth in Hong Kong resent China.
They detest not only the Chinese administration, but also China, the nation, and the politicians that have anything to do with it.
The reason that Hong Kong youth hate China so much and support Taiwanese independence is that the young generation of Hong Kongers grew up in the Internet age and have a high level of English proficiency, which allows them to read not only local news, but also news from around the world. Through the Internet, they gain a better understanding of the real history and situation of Taiwan. This is also why young Hong Kong residents have little trust in mainstream media: They say that those who watch Television Broadcasts Ltd are unintelligent.
Moreover, throughout their daily lives, they see the faces of the nouveau riche, but still uncivilized, Chinese tourists, which is why Hong Kong’s youth are becoming pro-independence.
It is valuable for Taiwanese that so many young Hong Kongers are supporting Taiwanese independence, as they are to eventually become the masters of Hong Kong.
If Taiwanese show Hong Kong’s youth and their pro-independence stance respect, in the future they would surely join Japanese as Taiwan’s most important allies.
Furthermore, Hong Kong’s youth generally have a good command of English, with some of them having US, Canadian or European nationalities as a result of the territory’s historical background, and they can serve as intermediaries to help Taiwan communicate with the West.
As a token of Taiwan’s friendliness toward young Hong Kongers, the government could consider assigning student quotas reserved for Chinese students, who might pose a threat to Taiwan’s national security, to students born in Hong Kong instead.
In addition, Taiwan’s visa policies for Hong Kong could be adjusted, allowing Hong Kongers with British National (Overseas) passports to enter Taiwan without a visa and have their passports stamped by customs upon arrival without having to apply for electronic visas online, just like British citizens.
This would encourage more Hong Kongers to refuse to use Hong Kong Special Administrative Region passports issued by China and encourage them to support Taiwan’s young generation.
These are strategies that the incoming government could take into consideration.
Martin Oei is a political commentator based in Hong Kong.
Translated by Ethan Zhan
A return to power for former US president Donald Trump would pose grave risks to Taiwan’s security, autonomy and the broader stability of the Indo-Pacific region. The stakes have never been higher as China aggressively escalates its pressure on Taiwan, deploying economic, military and psychological tactics aimed at subjugating the nation under Beijing’s control. The US has long acted as Taiwan’s foremost security partner, a bulwark against Chinese expansionism in the region. However, a second Trump presidency could upend decades of US commitments, introducing unpredictability that could embolden Beijing and severely compromise Taiwan’s position. While president, Trump’s foreign policy reflected a transactional
There appears to be a growing view among leaders and leading thinkers in Taiwan that their words and actions have no influence over how China approaches cross-Strait relations. According to this logic, China’s actions toward Taiwan are guided by China’s unwavering ambition to assert control over Taiwan. Many also believe Beijing’s approach is influenced by China’s domestic politics. As the thinking goes, former President Tsai Ing-wen (蔡英文) made a good faith effort to demonstrate her moderation on cross-Strait issues throughout her tenure. During her 2016 inaugural address, Tsai sent several constructive signals, including by acknowledging the historical fact of interactions and
Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) has prioritized modernizing the Chinese People’s Liberation Army (PLA) to rival the US military, with many experts believing he would not act on Taiwan until the PLA is fully prepared to confront US forces. At the Chinese Communist Party’s 20th Party Congress in 2022, Xi emphasized accelerating this modernization, setting 2027 — the PLA’s centennial — as the new target, replacing the previous 2035 goal. US intelligence agencies said that Xi has directed the PLA to be ready for a potential invasion of Taiwan by 2027, although no decision on launching an attack had been made. Whether
Taiwanese men doing their alternative military service within Taipei’s and Taichung’s Department of Compulsory Military Service independently reported outlandish incidents of brainwashing. Below is a story related to propagandizing as it manifests overseas. One of my Chinese friends and a group of Taiwanese friends set off together from Sydney, Australia, in a tour group to northern Europe. The travel agency arranged for a Chinese tour guide to lead the group. The guide would start off on a propaganda blitz every afternoon at a set time, singing the praises of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). The Taiwanese members of the tour seemed