The decision by Chen Wei-ting (陳為廷), one of the leaders of the Sunflower movement, to stand in the Miaoli County legislative by-election in February next year has surprised observers. Just a few days after his announcement, he revealed that he has been accused of sexual harassment, which also created a stir in the media and political circles. Now, following further accusations of sexual harassment, he has been forced to pull out of the election.
Chen has twice been reported to the police for allegedly touching a woman’s body in inappropriate ways, once on a bus and once in a night club. Although prosecution was deferred because Chen confessed, such behavior is illegal and immoral. Regardless of Chen’s status in the student movement and his other achievements, this is a stain that cannot be washed off.
The news of Chen’s sexual harassment of course resulted in a wave of criticism from the pan-blue camp. For the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), this has created a complicated situation. Some feel that at 24, Chen should be given a second chance following mistakes he committed at a younger age, while others see the issue as a serious negative factor and feel that the DPP should not give up the right to field its own candidate in the by-election.
From a legal perspective, Chen’s behavior has been addressed and it does not affect his qualification to run in the election. This means that the sexual harassment cases are less serious than the fact that his position if elected would be invalidated according to the Military Service System Act (兵役法) if he is drafted, since he still has not completed his military service.
Politically speaking, that Chen had legal issues is not necessarily an obstacle to becoming a politician. The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) might have criticized Chen’s behavior, but one look at the KMT during the revolutionary period would leave anyone wondering if there were any gangsters or criminals among its leaders. They smuggled arms and incited revolts, and injuring and killing people is much worse than what Chen has been guilty of. Sun Yat-sen (孫逸仙) and others were labeled the Four Outlaws (四大寇) by the Qing Dynasty government, but their illegal actions did not affect their merit as revolutionaries and nation builders, or their appreciation by later generations. Although it seems difficult, as long as Chen is acceptable to Miaoli County residents and they are willing to vote for him, there are no political reasons why he should not be elected.
Chen’s admissions of sexual harassment might be conscience-driven, but they could also have been an attempt to minimize the damage forced by knowledge that the media were about to report the issue. Regardless of the motive, Chen must engage in some self-examination. Is there a risk that these kinds of offences will be repeated? He grew up in a broken home, which might have given him a feeling of inadequacy and a strong desire for the opposite sex. This is something that he must overcome, perhaps by seeking professional help, because if the same thing happens again, it would not only destroy Chen, but would also reflect negatively on anyone who has supported him and spoken up in his favor.
This incident offers a good opportunity for further reflection: Should the nation demand that politicians be perfect people? Just like others, there are probably times in most politicians’ lives when they are tempted by greed, weakness or lust. When Taiwan elects its politicians, should it examine their achievements or their shortcomings?
These complications and contradictions are offering the people of Taiwan a great opportunity for some mental gymnastics.
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