The US midterm elections earlier this month were the most expensive in the country’s history and also the ones that have inspired the least enthusiasm among voters. The Republican Party gained the upper hand in the elections, but unlike in the midterms of 1994, 2006 and 2010, it failed to propose a policy platform and dominate the overall situation during the campaign.
Generally speaking, these midterms were a chaotic battle weak on issues. Despite spending a lot on campaign advertisements, no one really knew what and who the candidates were fighting for.
As the results of the Nov. 4 polls indicate, the Republicans regained the majority in the US Senate and expanded their majority in the US House of Representatives, as expected. The BBC commented on election night that the Republican Party now has gained its greatest advantage in Congress since World War II. Given this, the poll results will inevitably have a significant impact on US foreign policy.
US President Barack Obama has expressed his wish that Washington “pivot” to Asia, but has been unable to achieve this. As a lame duck president with just over two years left in office, it is all but certain that Obama’s foreign policy will be restrained by the US Congress for the rest of his tenure.
On Oct. 30, the Washington Times published a report titled: “China postpones Republicans’ visit after Taiwan, RNC [Republican National Committee] members object,” about a group of Republicans who had accepted an invitation from the Chinese government to visit Beijing.
However, the committee — the party’s national governing body — was worried about the invitation and according to the report: “The prospect of national GOP [Grand Old Party] officials socializing with the communist government in Beijing at the time when that government has been clashing with democracy activists on the streets of Hong Kong and with the democratically elected government of Taiwan enraged many in the GOP.”
Due to fears that a trip to Beijing at a time when Chinese authoritarian behavior was being exposed before the eyes of the world would have a negative effect, the visit was canceled.
Taiwan has always been proud of the “soft power” it enjoys thanks to its democracy and human rights values. In the face of growing Chinese power, Taiwan’s only way to reverse the unfavorable situation is to rely on this soft power. Since Taiwan has worked hard to build connections with K Street — the center for the lobbying industry in Washington — and with Capitol Hill, it should make use of these connections. However, if President Ma Ying-jeou’s (馬英九) administration attacks China’s democratic values, it might be accused of being sanctimonious, because Ma is the prime suspect behind attempts to destroy the public’s consciousness of the nation’s identity, its economic autonomy and the right of Taiwanese to determine their own future.
In comparison, the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) which has often seemed to be restricted in its dealings with Washington, should be able to be act with much more confidence. However, if the DPP’s US policy focuses on co-opting the Republicans and cooperating with Washington forces who have shared interests on issues such as US arms procurements, this might be a matter of realpolitik considerations, but the question is if by doing so, it is overlooking the reactionary tendencies on social issues and values held by US conservatives.
We must remember that a series of civic movements have taken place in Taiwan recently, and the Sunflower movement has aroused grassroots energy for social justice. Even if the DPP chooses to temporarily put these developments aside, it cannot avoid dealing with this clash of values in the long run.
Chen Hsiao-hsuan is an assistant research fellow at the Taiwan Brain Trust.
Translated by Eddy Chang
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