Media reports that Premier Jiang Yi-huah (江宜樺) has said — after bemoaning how his own children could not afford to buy property in Taipei — that the house-price-to-income ratio in the nation’s capital should come down from the present 15 to 10.
The good news, these reports say, is that this policy is to be implemented within Jiang’s term in office. Since these revelations, the issue has become a hot news topic.
The implications of high property prices go beyond the difficulties the younger generation face in buying a home. They also increase the speed by which wealth is concentrated, resulting in a reduction of consumption and a resultant slowing of economic growth.
The high price of housing also makes it difficult for later generations to establish themselves. This means that they will need to depend on inheriting property, which complicates family dynamics and also creates a new propertied class, thereby widening social divisions.
Finally, the high cost of housing makes it more difficult for people living in studio apartments to improve their living conditions by moving into larger accommodation, leaving them cramped.
Overall, high property prices are not about increasing people’s material assets, but are a serious social problem in Taiwan, as is quite evident from the significance attached to this issue in protest movements.
The Snails Without Shells Alliance is a social housing movement that has advocated its position for close to a quarter of a century.
However it was the Sunflower movement, mainly concerned with the government’s handling of the cross-strait service trade pact that made the authorities pay attention to the mood of young people. It was not because of an establishment epiphany regarding the implications of high housing prices.
The most efficient way to keep property prices down is — and always has been — raising housing and land taxes, but this axiom has been reiterated for more than 20 years without results.
Perhaps the best explanation for this failure is that many politicians — regardless of political affiliation — own land and several properties themselves and stand to benefit from low taxes and high property prices.
It is easy enough to show that this is not an exaggeration.
Even though Jiang has said that he is intending to encourage those holding on to unused property to put it on the market, he also needs to get all his Cabinet colleagues to play along. Then, armed with the property assets reports they have filed with the Control Yuan, they must make it clear that they will sell all the properties that exceed their own housing needs right away.
This would be a substantial, powerful political statement to make, and one that would get people listening.
If the opposition wants to win the next election, it will have to rise to the challenge, and announce that if it does return to power, all members given official appointments will not hoard property and keep only the real-estate they intend to inhabit.
This would be to the benefit of the nation.
Hua Chang-i retired as a professor at the Graduate Institute of Building and Planning at National Taiwan University.
Translated by Paul Cooper
When Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) sits down with US President Donald Trump in Beijing on Thursday next week, Xi is unlikely to demand a dramatic public betrayal of Taiwan. He does not need to. Beijing’s preferred victory is smaller, quieter and in some ways far more dangerous: a subtle shift in American wording that appears technical, but carries major strategic meaning. The ask is simple: replace the longstanding US formulation that Washington “does not support Taiwan independence” with a harder one — that Washington “opposes” Taiwan independence. One word changes; a deterrence structure built over decades begins to shift.
Taipei is facing a severe rat infestation, and the city government is reportedly considering large-scale use of rodenticides as its primary control measure. However, this move could trigger an ecological disaster, including mass deaths of birds of prey. In the past, black kites, relatives of eagles, took more than three decades to return to the skies above the Taipei Basin. Taiwan’s black kite population was nearly wiped out by the combined effects of habitat destruction, pesticides and rodenticides. By 1992, fewer than 200 black kites remained on the island. Fortunately, thanks to more than 30 years of collective effort to preserve their remaining
After Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) Chairwoman Cheng Li-wun (鄭麗文) met Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) in Beijing, most headlines referred to her as the leader of the opposition in Taiwan. Is she really, though? Being the chairwoman of the KMT does not automatically translate into being the leader of the opposition in the sense that most foreign readers would understand it. “Leader of the opposition” is a very British term. It applies to the Westminster system of parliamentary democracy, and to some extent, to other democracies. If you look at the UK right now, Conservative Party head Kemi Badenoch is
A Pale View of Hills, a movie released last year, follows the story of a Japanese woman from Nagasaki who moved to Britain in the 1950s with her British husband and daughter from a previous marriage. The daughter was born at a time when memories of the US atomic bombing of Nagasaki during World War II and anxiety over the effects of nuclear radiation still haunted the community. It is a reflection on the legacy of the local and national trauma of the bombing that ended the period of Japanese militarism. A central theme of the movie is the need, at