Although President Ma Ying-jeou’s (馬英九) administration recently took time to laud its achievements over the past three years, its record has attracted much criticism.
In addition to the central election promise of 6 percent economic growth per year, per capita annual income of US$30,000 and an unemployment rate lower than 3 percent by next year, on which Ma has failed to deliver, there is now another perhaps even more worrying example of a broken promise.
When Ma attended the Global Science Leaders Forum organized by the National Science Council on April 25, he said: “I will do all I can to keep research and development expenditure growing by eight to 10 percent annually.”
However, the Directorate-General of Budget, Accounting and Statistics has since announced that the science budget for next year will be cut by 5 percent.
Over past three years, the Ma administration has broken countless policy promises. Some of these were made by Ma on the spur of the moment. Others were more or less ignored by the Cabinet and yet others were promises that both Ma and the Cabinet wanted to deliver on, but simply failed to do so.
Maybe Ma really does support the science budget. When he attended the opening ceremony for the Biotechnology Building at Hsinchu Biomedical Science Park last Wednesday, he said: “We continue to aim for eight to 10 percent growth in the annual budget for research and development expenditure,” which suggests that this is an issue he genuinely believes to be important.
Unfortunately, the allocation principles for next year’s science budget announced by the Cabinet mean that funding could be cut by as much as 7 percent to 8 percent. Even if the surplus from the Cabinet’s Science and Technology Development Fund is included as part of next year’s budget, the cut in funding is still 5 percent.
Given the nation’s fiscal difficulties — per capita debt is now NT$210,000 — the government must of course make budget cuts.
However, scientific and technological research and development directly affect national competitiveness. At present they make up less than 5 percent of the government’s budget and with annual growth of eight to 10 percent add little to the national debt, while holding out the prospect of enhanced national competitiveness.
As labor-intensive industries have largely relocated to China, Taiwan depends on innovation and the high-tech sector to maintain its competitiveness. If the government cuts the budget for science and technology, that could undermine innovation, at a time when we cannot possibly return to the era of export processing.
To celebrate his three years in office on Friday last week, Ma and Premier Wu Den-yih (吳敦義) highlighted the government’s achievements. They also gave each other a very public pat on the back for their seamless cooperation, paving the way for a joint Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) presidential ticket.
However, it is increasingly clear that cooperation between the Presidential Office and the Cabinet is not as close as they would have us believe. Their divergent priorities and goals can be seen from the fact that Wu cut the science budget at the same time as Ma was promising to increase it.
Fortunately, the budget has not yet been finalized, giving them time to fix this egregious mistake.
For the long-term prosperity of the nation, let’s hope the Cabinet’s decision is re-evaluated and scientific and technological development are allowed to continue their key role as an engine of national prosperity.
The cancelation this week of President William Lai’s (賴清德) state visit to Eswatini, after the Seychelles, Madagascar and Mauritius revoked overflight permits under Chinese pressure, is one more measure of Taiwan’s shrinking executive diplomatic space. Another channel that deserves attention keeps growing while the first contracts. For several years now, Taipei has been one of Europe’s busiest legislative destinations. Where presidents and foreign ministers cannot land, parliamentarians do — and they do it in rising numbers. The Italian parliament opened the year with its largest bipartisan delegation to Taiwan to date: six Italian deputies and one senator, drawn from six
Recently, Taipei’s streets have been plagued by the bizarre sight of rats running rampant and the city government’s countermeasures have devolved into an anti-intellectual farce. The Taipei Parks and Street Lights Office has attempted to eradicate rats by filling their burrows with polyurethane foam, seeming to believe that rats could not simply dig another path out. Meanwhile, as the nation’s capital slowly deteriorates into a rat hive, the Taipei Department of Environmental Protection has proudly pointed to the increase in the number of poisoned rats reported in February and March as a sign of success. When confronted with public concerns over young
When Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) sits down with US President Donald Trump in Beijing on Thursday next week, Xi is unlikely to demand a dramatic public betrayal of Taiwan. He does not need to. Beijing’s preferred victory is smaller, quieter and in some ways far more dangerous: a subtle shift in American wording that appears technical, but carries major strategic meaning. The ask is simple: replace the longstanding US formulation that Washington “does not support Taiwan independence” with a harder one — that Washington “opposes” Taiwan independence. One word changes; a deterrence structure built over decades begins to shift.
China has long given assurances that it would not interfere in free access to the global commons. As one Ministry of Defense spokesperson put it in 2024, “the Chinese side always respects the freedom of navigation and overflight entitled to countries under international law.” Although these reassurances have always been disingenuous, China’s recent actions display a blatant disregard for these principles. Countries that care about civilian air safety should take note. In April, President Lai Ching-te (賴清德) canceled a planned trip to Eswatini for the 40th anniversary of King Mswati III’s coronation and the 58th anniversary of bilateral diplomatic