Here’s a hypothetical question: Let’s assume that Taiwan and China sign an economic cooperation framework agreement (ECFA) in May and then carry out cross-strait peace negotiations without ruling out the possibility of a timetable for unification. If this happened, could Taiwanese feel confident that President Ma Ying-jeou’s (馬英九) administration would secure the best deal during the process to unification?
Hong Kong provides a useful contrast. Before retrocession in 1997, when they were getting down to the details of the transfer of power with the Chinese, the British government made every attempt to cover every practical aspect possible. It even made provisions so that Hong Kong residents who refused to live under communist rule could emigrate. As the talks were conducted by two parties of equal standing, Beijing was obliged to give assurances that the region would “remain unchanged for 50 years.”
Let’s suppose, for the sake of argument, that the government’s cross-strait policy leads to its natural conclusion of “eventual unification.” Would Taiwanese be offered an initial grace period similar to that offered to Hong Kong prior to the handover? Or would the government do a repeat performance of former National Security Council (NSC) secretary-general Su Chi’s (蘇起) handling of the US beef deal, forcing the public to accept it after an agreement has already been signed? What if Ma has already overseen the handover before Taiwanese woke up and smelled the coffee, finding themselves under a Chinese government that is warning countries like the US and Japan not to interfere in its “internal” affairs? Can we trust that an effective mechanism would be in place to monitor the conditions for unification, ensuring that the rights of Taiwanese are protected and Taiwan’s autonomy respected?
These are all assumptions and the intention here is not to put the fright into anyone. Rather, the object is to highlight the reality that, given the current political situation, the legislature is the only institution that can restrain the executive branch’s China policy. The government is keeping the goings-on of a number of negotiations under wraps and the public has no idea what is happening. We also have no way of knowing how cross-strait economic and political integration is going to affect the “status quo.” At least the US beef fiasco has taught us that our elected representatives must listen to what we say and not simply serve as rubber stamps for the whims of the Cabinet.
Of course, Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) Secretary-General King Pu-tsung’s (金溥聰) hawkish moves — such as making internal rules to strictly regulate the performance of legislators-at-large — are attempts to strengthen the party’s authority and make sure that Ma gets what he wants.
Cross-strait policies, however, are a sensitive topic. Data Systems Consulting Co serves as an example. Facing pressure from the legislature, the Ministry of Economic Affairs canceled a contract with the firm after it was taken over by Chinese capital. This proves that the legislative branch must keep an eye on things and the government on its toes when it comes to risk management, to make sure that it is not being manipulated. This is precisely what democracy is for. In other words, it is hopeful that the legislature can serve as a more active “safety valve” on cross-strait policies and that Legislative Speaker Wang Jin-pyng’s (王金平) proposal of a “cross-strait affairs monitoring task force” is a step in the right direction. If the legislature relinquishes its power, there will be no monitoring mechanism for cross-strait affairs. The cross-strait policy is just too risky for us to trust it blindly.
Ku Chung-hwa is the chairman of Citizens’ Congress Watch.
TRANSLATED BY EDDY CHANG
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