Thwarted reputation
Dear Johnny,
President Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) is reputedly proud of being able to conduct interviews with foreign reporters in English, something that former president Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁) could not do. Through these interviews, Ma hopes to build his international reputation.
But with the recent article in the New York Times (“Taiwan president is target of anger after typhoon,” Aug. 13), his efforts have been thwarted. As a long-time commentator, what is your view on this? Also, will his failed effort push him to have closer ties with China ?
Karl Chang
Taipei
Johnny replies: I doubt that one New York Times article will bring the Ma presidency crashing down, but it might start opening eyes to the anger that is growing in the south.
I don’t think Ma needs to be pushed to have closer ties with China under any circumstances. On the contrary, what we might see is the president forced away from an aggressive agenda of cross-strait detente to concentrate on the disaster and salvage domestic support ahead of local elections.
Ironically, Ma’s adequate English hurt him when he told ITN that the villagers of Xiaolin were “not fully prepared” (i.e., taken by surprise). I reckon he was mistranslated and that locals thought he said that the villagers “didn’t prepare properly.” Ouch.
The conflict in the Middle East has been disrupting financial markets, raising concerns about rising inflationary pressures and global economic growth. One market that some investors are particularly worried about has not been heavily covered in the news: the private credit market. Even before the joint US-Israeli attacks on Iran on Feb. 28, global capital markets had faced growing structural pressure — the deteriorating funding conditions in the private credit market. The private credit market is where companies borrow funds directly from nonbank financial institutions such as asset management companies, insurance companies and private lending platforms. Its popularity has risen since
The Donald Trump administration’s approach to China broadly, and to cross-Strait relations in particular, remains a conundrum. The 2025 US National Security Strategy prioritized the defense of Taiwan in a way that surprised some observers of the Trump administration: “Deterring a conflict over Taiwan, ideally by preserving military overmatch, is a priority.” Two months later, Taiwan went entirely unmentioned in the US National Defense Strategy, as did military overmatch vis-a-vis China, giving renewed cause for concern. How to interpret these varying statements remains an open question. In both documents, the Indo-Pacific is listed as a second priority behind homeland defense and
Every analyst watching Iran’s succession crisis is asking who would replace supreme leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. Yet, the real question is whether China has learned enough from the Persian Gulf to survive a war over Taiwan. Beijing purchases roughly 90 percent of Iran’s exported crude — some 1.61 million barrels per day last year — and holds a US$400 billion, 25-year cooperation agreement binding it to Tehran’s stability. However, this is not simply the story of a patron protecting an investment. China has spent years engineering a sanctions-evasion architecture that was never really about Iran — it was about Taiwan. The
In an op-ed published in Foreign Affairs on Tuesday, Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) Chairwoman Cheng Li-wun (鄭麗文) said that Taiwan should not have to choose between aligning with Beijing or Washington, and advocated for cooperation with Beijing under the so-called “1992 consensus” as a form of “strategic ambiguity.” However, Cheng has either misunderstood the geopolitical reality and chosen appeasement, or is trying to fool an international audience with her doublespeak; nonetheless, it risks sending the wrong message to Taiwan’s democratic allies and partners. Cheng stressed that “Taiwan does not have to choose,” as while Beijing and Washington compete, Taiwan is strongest when