Last week, two developments highlighted both the progress that has been made and the challenges remaining in improving local corporate governance.
On a positive note, the Cabinet on Thursday approved amendments to the Company Act (公司法) that will allow shareholders to vote electronically at annual general meetings. It came at a time when many listed companies have a tendency to shut out their shareholders by scheduling their annual general meetings all on the same date.
These companies will now find it harder to discourage shareholders from exercising their voting rights, because shareholders can use electronic voting to have a say on who sits on the board and other matters that affect their interests.
The amendments also require companies to adopt a cumulative voting system, rather than a block voting method, during the election of board members to safeguard the rights and interests of minority shareholders.
The beauty of the cumulative voting system is that it offers minority shareholders an option to either cast all their cumulated votes for one candidate or split the votes between candidates. For example, if a company is electing 10 directors, each share entitles the holder to 10 votes, which can all be cast for the same candidate or split among different candidates.
The purpose of adopting cumulative voting is to make sure that minority shareholders can get their favored candidates onto the board of the company to monitor corporate matters on their behalf.
It comes at a time when criticism has been mounting over the structure of boardrooms, as well as a lack of accountability and transparency in corporate dealings.
Cumulative voting is not perfect. If factionalism or partisan interests develop among majority and minority directors, it can undercut the board’s efficiency. There is also the concern that cumulative voting can be a convenient gateway for hostile takeovers and aggressive competitors could use the system to gain control of target companies.
However, cumulative voting does away with a dark side of the block system as the latter — which does not allow minority shareholders to stack up votes for specific candidates — tends to create a winner-take-all situation and excludes the representatives of minority shareholders from the board.
Even though the amendments are aimed at protecting shareholders’ rights and upholding corporate governance, the planned changes are about voting methods.
What we saw during the impasse at Taiwan International Securities Corp last week was more than a technical issue — it was the lack of a law-abiding spirit and an ignorance of corporate governance among certain shareholders.
So far, the competing shareholders at the brokerage firm have each claimed that they are the legitimate management of the company. They have submitted their filings to the authorities to justify their claims and have said they will lodge lawsuits against each other to protect their interests.
The financial regulator, in the meantime, has threatened to intervene and to ask for the court to put the firm into temporary receivership if the situation worsens.
Both competing sets of shareholders, as well as the relevant government agencies, must face up to the negative impact of the impasse on corporate governance in this country and efforts to attract foreign investors. Let’s hope all parties can settle the impasse soon; otherwise it will set a very bad example to foreign investors of Taiwan’s corporate governance.
With escalating US-China competition and mutual distrust, the trend of supply chain “friend shoring” in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic and the fragmentation of the world into rival geopolitical blocs, many analysts and policymakers worry the world is retreating into a new cold war — a world of trade bifurcation, protectionism and deglobalization. The world is in a new cold war, said Robin Niblett, former director of the London-based think tank Chatham House. Niblett said he sees the US and China slowly reaching a modus vivendi, but it might take time. The two great powers appear to be “reversing carefully
As China steps up a campaign to diplomatically isolate and squeeze Taiwan, it has become more imperative than ever that Taipei play a greater role internationally with the support of the democratic world. To help safeguard its autonomous status, Taiwan needs to go beyond bolstering its defenses with weapons like anti-ship and anti-aircraft missiles. With the help of its international backers, it must also expand its diplomatic footprint globally. But are Taiwan’s foreign friends willing to translate their rhetoric into action by helping Taipei carve out more international space for itself? Beating back China’s effort to turn Taiwan into an international pariah
Typhoon Krathon made landfall in southwestern Taiwan last week, bringing strong winds, heavy rain and flooding, cutting power to more than 170,000 homes and water supply to more than 400,000 homes, and leading to more than 600 injuries and four deaths. Due to the typhoon, schools and offices across the nation were ordered to close for two to four days, stirring up familiar controversies over whether local governments’ decisions to call typhoon days were appropriate. The typhoon’s center made landfall in Kaohsiung’s Siaogang District (小港) at noon on Thursday, but it weakened into a tropical depression early on Friday, and its structure
Taiwan is facing multiple economic challenges due to internal and external pressures. Internal challenges include energy transition, upgrading industries, a declining birthrate and an aging population. External challenges are technology competition between the US and China, international supply chain restructuring and global economic uncertainty. All of these issues complicate Taiwan’s economic situation. Taiwan’s reliance on fossil fuel imports not only threatens the stability of energy supply, but also goes against the global trend of carbon reduction. The government should continue to promote renewable energy sources such as wind and solar power, as well as energy storage technology, to diversify energy supply. It