When General Walter Sharp, commander of US military forces in South Korea, testified before the Senate Armed Services Committee in Washington last Thursday, he was fervent in asserting that the US was committed to its alliance with South Korea.
The general’s testimony, however, was less reassuring on South Korea’s commitment to the pact. As US officers in South Korea and US officials have said in quiet conversations, the turbulence that afflicted the alliance in recent years has calmed down but the underlying issues have not been resolved.
Sharp and other Americans credited South Korean President Lee Myung-bak, who came to office a year ago, for making a genuine effort to put new life into the alliance. And they and Korean officials have been intent on seeing what sort of new policies would come from President Barack Obama.
Much of the fault for the strain in the alliance has been laid at the feet of two former presidents, Roh Moo-hyun in Seoul and George W. Bush in Washington. Roh came to office in 2003 with an explicitly anti-US posture. Bush made little attempt to hide his contempt for Roh.
A report from academic and other civilian specialists on Korea gathered at Stanford University in California said: “It is no secret that the alliance has been under stress during the presidencies of George W. Bush and Roh Moo Hyun.”
Further, the specialists pointed to differences over responding to North Korea’s pursuit of nuclear weapons: Bush officials took a hard line in negotiations with North Korea, while Roh saw the North Koreans as brothers who would not use nuclear arms against South Koreans.
Another issue has been the transfer of wartime command of South Korean forces from the US to Seoul, scheduled for 2012. The US commanded South Korean forces during and after the Korean War but shifted peacetime control to South Korea 15 years ago.
Still another issue has been the negotiation of a free trade agreement that has been signed but not ratified by either government. While this is an economic rather than a military issue, the ill feeling it has generated has spilled over into the realm of security.
Thus, the report said: “Support for the US-ROK [Republic of Korea] alliance, so long an unchallenged part of the foreign policy of both countries, has been eroding.”
An analyst at the US Naval War College in Rhode Island, Jonathan Pollack, has written that South Korea today has three options: to revitalize a strategy centered on the US; to pursue an autonomous strategy of self-reliance; or to devise a “hedged” strategy in which Seoul would retain loose ties with Washington but forge a new security posture in Asia.
Lee evidently favors a stronger alliance with the US but lacks a national consensus.
Chung Ang University academic Hoon Jaung has written: “South Korea is now a highly divided society between pro-American conservatives and anti-American liberals.”
General Sharp acknowledged the difficulties: “The realignment of US forces on the Korean Peninsula has frequently been contentious between the ROK and US governments.”
The US has insisted on turning over wartime control of South Korea’s troops to make South Koreans responsible for defending themselves — and freeing US forces for expeditions elsewhere.
General Sharp was firm: “It is both prudent and the ROK’s sovereign obligation to assume primary responsibility for the lead role in its own defense.”
Those Koreans who have resisted the transfer of wartime command of their forces, many of them in the older generation who remember US troops fighting for South Korea in the Korean War, fear that the transfer of operational control will lead the US to eventually abandon South Korea.
In a compromise, the US has trimmed its forces in Korea to 28,500 from 37,000 and is consolidating them in posts south of Seoul from which they will support South Korea if needed. To keep US forces in Korea, Seoul is paying for 90 percent of the US$2.5 billion cost of current construction at a post in Pyongtaek. Who will pay for the rest of the US$13 billion in total costs is being negotiated.
Richard Halloran is a freelance writer in Hawaii.
In the event of a war with China, Taiwan has some surprisingly tough defenses that could make it as difficult to tackle as a porcupine: A shoreline dotted with swamps, rocks and concrete barriers; conscription for all adult men; highways and airports that are built to double as hardened combat facilities. This porcupine has a soft underbelly, though, and the war in Iran is exposing it: energy. About 39,000 ships dock at Taiwan’s ports each year, more than the 30,000 that transit the Strait of Hormuz. About one-fifth of their inbound tonnage is coal, oil, refined fuels and liquefied natural gas (LNG),
On Monday, the day before Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) Chairwoman Cheng Li-wun (鄭麗文) departed on her visit to China, the party released a promotional video titled “Only with peace can we ‘lie flat’” to highlight its desire to have peace across the Taiwan Strait. However, its use of the expression “lie flat” (tang ping, 躺平) drew sarcastic comments, with critics saying it sounded as if the party was “bowing down” to the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). Amid the controversy over the opposition parties blocking proposed defense budgets, Cheng departed for China after receiving an invitation from the CCP, with a meeting with
To counter the CCP’s escalating threats, Taiwan must build a national consensus and demonstrate the capability and the will to fight. The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) often leans on a seductive mantra to soften its threats, such as “Chinese do not kill Chinese.” The slogan is designed to frame territorial conquest (annexation) as a domestic family matter. A look at the historical ledger reveals a different truth. For the CCP, being labeled “family” has never been a guarantee of safety; it has been the primary prerequisite for state-sanctioned slaughter. From the forced starvation of 150,000 civilians at the Siege of Changchun
The two major opposition parties, the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) and the Taiwan People’s Party (TPP), jointly announced on Tuesday last week that former TPP lawmaker Chang Chi-kai (張啟楷) would be their joint candidate for Chiayi mayor, following polling conducted earlier this month. It is the first case of blue-white (KMT-TPP) cooperation in selecting a joint candidate under an agreement signed by their chairpersons last month. KMT and TPP supporters have blamed their 2024 presidential election loss on failing to decide on a joint candidate, which ended in a dramatic breakdown with participants pointing fingers, calling polls unfair, sobbing and walking