After his victory in the presidential election, President Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) declared that he would not serve as Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) chairman and president simultaneously. At the time, KMT Chairman Wu Poh-hsiung (吳伯雄) said he would like to shed the burden of party chairmanship as soon as possible.
Now, however, Ma has changed his tune, saying he would consider taking up the chairmanship, while Wu responded with “dismay.” Their changing attitudes point to more than just a contest between the two men. The real significance is that the KMT is making friends with China, and so we see the two vying with one another to gain favor with Beijing.
After Ma failed to persuade Beijing to stop referring to Taiwan’s Olympic team as “Taipei, China,” the Chinese gave face to Wu by agreeing to the change at a forum between the KMT and the Chinese Communist Party (CCP).
The apparent concession, however, was a fraud in which Taiwan’s interests were sacrificed in a political power struggle. In the course of his talks with Chinese President Hu Jintao (胡錦濤), Wu ingratiated himself to Hu by agreeing that the Taiwanese team would walk in the opening ceremony parade under the word “Chinese” instead of “Taiwan” as in previous Games.
Knowing this concession to the “one China” principle would not be well received in Taiwan, the KMT made a big song and dance about the bogus issue of “Taipei, China” versus “Chinese Taipei,” using China’s apparent concession in keeping to the “Chinese Taipei” formula to cover up the much bigger concession made by the Taiwan side.
Thus Wu managed to kill three birds with one stone — winning applause at home for his “victory,” gaining favor from the Chinese and undermining Ma.
Since being elected, Ma has been rather weak in his dealings with China, but he is nevertheless concerned about public opinion. To shield him from criticism, Lai Shin-yuan (賴幸媛) was made chairwoman of the Mainland Affairs Council. Objecting to the appointment of this non-KMT figure and trying to advance their own political ambitions, many KMT members and factions have been trying by various means to cut Ma down to size — Wu’s maneuvering at the KMT-CCP forum being a case in point.
Sad to say, those involved in such machinations have generally been from among the pro-localization elements in the KMT. For example, the Straits Exchange Foundation originally functioned as a kind of “consulate general” under the council, representing Taiwanese interests in China, despite not having official offices there. However, foundation Chairman Chiang Pin-kung (江丙坤) has sought to undermine the council by campaigning to raise funds for the SEF from Taiwanese businesspeople in China. Such funds would reduce the state’s stake in the SEF, thus putting into practice China’s policy of employing businesspeople to put pressure on Taiwan’s government.
Ma’s plan to become party chairman is his way of countering his opponents’ efforts to undermine him. However, besides going against his former pledge not to allow the party to lead the government, it has also put Wu, who is in favor with Beijing for his contributions to de-Taiwanization, at risk and has sparked debate within the KMT.
Indeed, Ma has difficult choices to make between his principles on the one hand and a political power play on the other. Finding a way out of their quandary is no easy task for Ma and the KMT. As the party’s members and factions jostle for position and try to outdo each other in their efforts to please China, it is the nation’s interests that continue to suffer the consequences.
Lin Cho-shui is a former Democratic Progressive Party legislator.
TRANSLATED BY JULIAN CLEGG
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