The Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) is standing at an historic juncture following its huge loss in the presidential election on March 22.
The voters can forgive mistakes that the DPP has made and perhaps give the party another chance four years from now, but they will dislike those who try to shift the blame and point fingers at one another. Unfortunately, that is exactly what has happened in the past month.
The party once upheld the principles of clean government, responsiveness and nativization to terminate the authoritarian rule of the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) in 2000, so what contributed to the collapse of its eight-year term in government? How can the party rebuild public trust, rejuvenate party morale and reorientate its philosophy to meet public expectations?
Some suggest a complete removal of the older generation of leaders and the incorporation of the next generation. Others will try to remain politically influential despite the fact that they failed to consolidate their power while in government. But no serious thought or actions have been devoted to reforming the party itself.
The upcoming election for party chairman will no doubt become a factional battlefield that heralds the post-Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁) era.
What concrete steps should be taken so that the next DPP chairman will remold the party’s philosophy? The purpose of leadership is to get people to stay with you and to follow you. You have to create a whole new culture, a fresh philosophy that makes people feel as if they are part of something important -- and that they are important.
The first necessary reform is eliminating the way the factions manipulate their “head members” to win party primaries. For years, these “head members” have been political tumors for the DPP. The system cultivates bribery and potential corruption and fails to install the best decision-makers into the party’s center.
The next step is to engage in a comprehensive debate on a more balanced cross-strait policy, the protection of social equality and minority rights, the constructive role of a loyal opposition, a stronger defender of clean politics and, most importantly, how to strengthen ethnic reconciliation. Revision of those essential policy fronts is imperative in seeding the party’s future with a new vision.
The following factors have contributed to a decline in the DPP’s popularity over the past seven years: the failure to develop a constructive cross-strait relationship and rational interaction with the pan-blue opposition; inadequate attempts to rejuvenate a slowing economy and strengthen the financial system; the drift toward cronyism; and ineffective action in lowering crime rates.
What the outgoing DPP government should bear in mind is the need to regain grassroots support, not spending most of its resources on political calculations in the interests of individual party members.
With an absolute pan-blue majority in the legislature, the next DPP leaders must carefully judge when to hoist the flag and attack and when to mediate differences and seek consensus with the KMT government.
Voters have been disappointed by scandals involving Chen’s aides, members of his family and DPP officials. The next leader of the DPP must therefore inculcate stronger party discipline.
No matter who leads the DPP in its quest for renewal, he or she will find success not from being a clever leader who appeals only to certain groups of party members, but from being pragmatic, seizing the momentum and echoing calls for the nation to put aside partisan disputes and uphold the public interest.
Liu Shih-chung is vice chairman of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs’ Research and Planning Committee.
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