During Taiwan’s recent presidential election, a group of Chinese intellectuals gathered in a hotel in Guangzhou to watch the event on TV. That evening, a writer wrote an article describing the group’s feelings.
Entitled “Tonight, we are all Taiwanese,” the article voiced their admiration and approval of Taiwan’s democracy and highlighted two points. First, admiration for the democratic maturity of Taiwanese voters as a large number of ethnic Taiwanese voted for a Mainlander as president, evidence of a mature democratic understanding that doesn’t discriminate between ethnicities; and second, Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) candidate Frank Hsieh’s (謝長廷) immediate concession of defeat, which it described as “dignified,” “unprecedented” and a signal “that Taiwan’s democracy is maturing.”
The writer had observed a crucial point of a two-party political system: Only when a defeated candidate concedes defeat can the continuation of democracy be secured. More than two weeks after the presidential election, the entire nation is calm and peaceful and the political situation is stable. This is directly related to the defeated candidate’s quick concession. Whether or not an election ends peacefully depends on the loser, not the winner. If the loser objects and is reluctant to concede defeat, trouble will ensue and the political situation can easily become unstable.
In the 2000 presidential election, throngs of supporters of the defeated Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) gathered and vented their anger on the party chairman. In 2004, KMT presidential candidate Lien Chan (連戰), after losing a second consecutive presidential bid, publicly refused to admit defeat, leading to a turbulent political situation and prolonged social instability.
Twelve hours before the election on March 22, KMT Chairman Wu Poh-hsiung (吳伯雄) said that the DPP party would burn down its own party headquarters at 9pm and was likely to resort to all sorts of “dirty tricks.” The KMT even had razor wire barricades set up in front of its headquarters as if DPP supporters were going to storm the office.
On the same day, KMT candidate Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) held a press conference, saying former American Institute in Taiwan chairwoman Therese Shaheen would make a public statement about his green card status.
But the pan-green camp did not contest the election results. Instead, Hsieh immediately conceded defeat and congratulated his opponent on his victory while at the same time emphasizing that it was a personal setback, not a failure of Taiwanese democracy. The pan-green camp didn’t create street disturbances, showing its mature democratic understanding and setting a good example for the KMT.
In Western democracies, the winner usually waits until his or her rival concedes defeat before claiming victory. However, Ma’s camp rushed to proclaim victory before the vote count was officially completed. With 2 million votes more than Hsieh, he shouldn’t have been in such a rush. This only showed a lack of self-esteem and democratic maturity.
The difference between Hsieh and Ma becomes even clearer when we compare their post-election speeches. Hsieh and his running mate Su Tseng-chang (蘇貞昌) changed from campaign outfits to suits and called on their supporters to accept the loss and protect democracy. As the winner, Ma should have showed his statesmanship and comforted supporters of the rival camp. Instead, he delivered his speech, clad in a campaign vest with his name on it, and kept shouting slogans as if he were still campaigning.
This election simply proved which party is more civilized, cultivated and better understands democracy.
Cao Changqing is a Chinese writer based in the US.
TRANSLATED BY TED YANG
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