Vietnam's cities are being rapidly transformed by economic growth which has brought fashion boutiques, fast food and traffic jams, but most people in the remote northern village of Na Lia wouldn't know.
A rice farming hamlet of about 400 Tay ethnic minority people without telephones, television or even electricity, Na Lia is part of another Vietnam, the rural hinterland that is struggling to catch up with the boom.
Few people in Na Lia -- an hour's drive from the nearest highway in a valley in Lan Son Province -- have seen Hanoi, where people bring laptops to Wi-Fi cafes and play the stock market.
One of the few villagers who has made the trip is Vi Van Phong, 31, who traveled to the capital for the first time this year, to visit the museum of Vietnam's first president, Ho Chi Minh.
Back in the one-room house he shares with his mother, he says what most impressed him about Hanoi was electricity, but that he didn't really like the big city.
Hanoi's once-sleepy streets are now choked with scooters and, increasingly, luxury cars of the new rich, including several Humvees.
Phong, who like some 80 percent of the people of Na Lia does not own a moped, made the six-hour trip by motorcycle-taxi and bus for US$12 roundtrip, a small fortune for him.
Communist Vietnam is now on track to raise its average per capita GDP to US$1,000 a year by 2010, moving the country of 84 million to middle-income status. Phong says he survives on less than US$100 a year.
CASHLESS ECONOMY
For the most part, Na Lia is a small, cashless economy, where people live off what they can grow but lack surplus produce or the means to transport any excess to the nearest market town.
Rice grows in small paddies but the hills are denuded from erosion caused by slash-and-burn farming and felling of trees by villagers to sell for timber.
Like other villagers here, Phong says he runs out of rice for several months each year so must switch to corn and cassava. He eats meat or fish once or twice a month -- a far cry from Hanoi, where sushi bars have mushroomed, fast-food chain KFC opened its first outlets this year and health authorities warn of rising obesity rates.
There exists "a vast disparity between Vietnam's rural and urban areas," said Hassan Ahmad, whose Singapore-based group Lien Aid has launched an anti-poverty project here, funded by the city-state's Ian Ferguson Foundation.
"You see Hanoi and Ho Chi Minh City -- bright lights, big cities -- but people here haven't tasted the economic growth yet," he said. "I wouldn't say it's the dark side of Vietnam, but here people say they suffer food shortages for three months a year."
Vietnam's government and its foreign donors are aware of the growing urban-rural divide, a problem common to much of Asia.
Asian Development Bank president Haruhiko Kuroda, at a Hanoi conference this year, said: "Although absolute poverty is being significantly reduced, the gap between the poor and the rich is rising".
The World Bank and UN have often lauded Vietnam as a model partner which has lifted 30 million people out of abject poverty since the launch of doi moi (renewal) market reforms some 20 years ago.
Thanks to a decade of annual economic growth above 7 percent, the ratio of the desperately poor has fallen below 20 percent, from nearly 60 percent in 1993, while national per capita GDP has risen to more than US$700.
But the World Bank has also stressed that "the poverty rate among ethnic minorities and communities in mountainous areas is much higher compared to the national average," standing at 60 percent in 2004 for these groups.
Making a difference isn't always easy, but neither is it impossible, said Ahmad, speaking at the opening of a new primary school and library here, built as part of his group's first rural development project in Vietnam.
FOOD AND WATER
Not so long ago just getting water was a daily struggle in Na Lia. Lien Aid has now installed sand-filtered water tanks in all 71 households, fed via pipes from the nearby stream, where an eco-turbine generates power to light the new school, which replaces a dark timber shack.
Vietnamese agriculture experts have introduced soybeans and a high-yield rice, doubling output. They plan to soon buy a single bull to genetically improve the local livestock.
High-protein grass has been planted for the cows to feed on in enclosures -- increasing cattle yield, converting manure into organic fertilizer, and preventing the animals from destroying other plants.
At a nursery, seedlings have been planted for fast-growing acacia trees that will stabilize the hillsides and can later be sold as timber, said Cao Viet Hung, one of the group's agriculture experts.
The group plans to expand into orange, longan and lychee trees, to green the hills, improve the villagers' diets and earn cash.
"What we have done here is not genius, and it's not expensive," said Ahmad, whose project cost US$150,000 and half a year to set up, using know-how from Singapore's Nanyang Technological University.
"People from other villages have come to take a look," he said. "We believe this project can be replicated. The real needs in Vietnam are in places like this, beyond the mountains and at the ends of inaccessible roads."
Monday was the 37th anniversary of former president Chiang Ching-kuo’s (蔣經國) death. Chiang — a son of former president Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石), who had implemented party-state rule and martial law in Taiwan — has a complicated legacy. Whether one looks at his time in power in a positive or negative light depends very much on who they are, and what their relationship with the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) is. Although toward the end of his life Chiang Ching-kuo lifted martial law and steered Taiwan onto the path of democratization, these changes were forced upon him by internal and external pressures,
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus whip Fu Kun-chi (傅?萁) has caused havoc with his attempts to overturn the democratic and constitutional order in the legislature. If we look at this devolution from the context of a transition to democracy from authoritarianism in a culturally Chinese sense — that of zhonghua (中華) — then we are playing witness to a servile spirit from a millennia-old form of totalitarianism that is intent on damaging the nation’s hard-won democracy. This servile spirit is ingrained in Chinese culture. About a century ago, Chinese satirist and author Lu Xun (魯迅) saw through the servile nature of
In their New York Times bestseller How Democracies Die, Harvard political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt said that democracies today “may die at the hands not of generals but of elected leaders. Many government efforts to subvert democracy are ‘legal,’ in the sense that they are approved by the legislature or accepted by the courts. They may even be portrayed as efforts to improve democracy — making the judiciary more efficient, combating corruption, or cleaning up the electoral process.” Moreover, the two authors observe that those who denounce such legal threats to democracy are often “dismissed as exaggerating or
Taiwan People’s Party (TPP) Acting Chairman Huang Kuo-chang (黃國昌) has formally announced his intention to stand for permanent party chairman. He has decided that he is the right person to steer the fledgling third force in Taiwan’s politics through the challenges it would certainly face in the post-Ko Wen-je (柯文哲) era, rather than serve in a caretaker role while the party finds a more suitable candidate. Huang is sure to secure the position. He is almost certainly not the right man for the job. Ko not only founded the party, he forged it into a one-man political force, with himself
RSS