Tue, Jun 05, 2007 page8

• Editorial: Putting an end to the instability

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  The Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) last week called the bluff of its pan-blue rival People First Party (PFP) over its threats to topple the Cabinet.

  Forty-six DPP lawmakers, sick of the legislative mess and the opposition blocking several important bills -- most notably the government's budget for this year, already six months overdue -- called on the PFP to put its money where its mouth is, with predictable results.

  This means that the deadlock that has afflicted the legislature over the last seven years is likely to continue until the legislature is finally dissolved ahead of December's elections.

  The new electoral system that will make its debut in December will change the landscape in the legislature, with half the current crop of lawmakers set to lose their jobs.

  But even if the PFP is deservedly eradicated, the nation could still face the possibility of yet further gridlock.

  The DPP's ability to appeal to the electorate's Taiwan consciousness could very well see its candidate Frank Hsieh (謝長廷) installed in the Presidential Office next May, while the pan-blue camp's traditional strength and connections in powerful organizations at the local level means it will in all likelihood retain its majority in the legislature.

  The outcome of retaining the executive-legislative status quo would likely be at least a further three years of legislative stalemate, bickering and shoe-throwing.

  This is a very unappealing prospect indeed and may well re-ignite debate on changing the nation's political system.

  As it stands, Taiwan's oddball semi-presidential political system -- which was never a problem during the four decades of one-party rule by the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) -- has proven a serious obstacle to effective government during President Chen Shui-bian's (陳水扁) two terms in office, as the executive branch has little power with which to combat a stonewalling legislature.

  The standoff we have seen over the last few years, with the DPP in the Presidential Office and the pan-blues holding a majority in the Legislative Yuan, has been the best possible advertisement for a parliamentary system -- where the leader of the party with a majority becomes the premier or prime minister and there is no rigorous separation of the executive and legislative branches of government.

  Certainly a parliamentary system allows legislation to be passed more efficiently than the existing system.

  The irony about the debate on switching to a parliamentary system is that it is the side with the most to lose -- the DPP and its pro-independence allies -- who are the main advocates; the pan-blues remain firmly opposed to further constitutional change.

  It's hard to understand why, because as things stand under a parliamentary system, the pan-blues would have a legislative majority and control of the executive.

  For some strange reason they seem content to sit out the remainder of Chen's term, almost arrogant in their belief that they will be returned to power next year.

  But complacency can be risky.

  That is a lesson the pan-blues should have learned in 2004.
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