Of all the questions facing Asia next year, none looms larger than what to expect from China.
The last 12 months proved more than ever how much Asia is relying on its second-biggest economy. Japan may be back and the US economy is by far the world's largest, yet China's 10 percent growth is increasingly underpinning Asia's hopes.
China isn't likely to slide into crisis next year, though the number of issues that may come to a head is daunting. On the one hand, China needs to create millions of jobs to spread the benefits of rapid growth. On the other, it must slow things down to avoid overheating -- something it hasn't done this year.
Complicating the effort, China's economy isn't like others. It lacks a liquid bond market, limiting the central bank's influence. It also lacks a cohesive, national fiscal policy centered in Beijing. It's a bit like trying to control a speeding car without decent brakes or reliable steering.
Add in to the mix worsening pollution and rising rural discontent. Almost half of China's 1.3 billion people must work more than one day to afford a Starbucks latte. It's not escaping rural Chinese that people in Shanghai, Beijing and Shenzhen appear to be getting wealthy while others struggle to find clean drinking water.
The year ahead will see China under intense pressure to boost its currency, even though it is unlikely to do so significantly. It also will be pushed to open its financial sector and clamp down on abuses of intellectual-property rights.
North Korea may cause many headaches for Chinese Communist Party leaders.
Finally, China needs to come to terms with how it can compete in the information age while limiting the flow of information. By censoring news offered by the likes of Google.com and Wikipedia.com, Beijing ensures that its best and brightest only know so much about advancements and trends a world away. China must loosen up if it is to encourage innovation and create more domestic growth.
There are other themes that are worth keeping an eye on in Asia next year. Here are five:
First is a US slowdown. Monetary policy, as Milton Friedman liked to say, operates with a lag. So far this year, the US Federal Reserve has added 100 basis points to the overnight lending rate to 5.25 percent, and those increases are still funneling through the economy.
The risk is that a marked US slowdown cripples China -- the region's current growth anchor. Asia is still too export-dependent for its own good, and the year ahead might serve as a reminder.
Second is inflation. Whether the US stands its ground or not, Asian central banks may need to take stimulus out of their financial systems. While the Fed and the European Central Bank were busy raising interest rates, Asia's central banks were concerned with boosting growth and keeping currencies from rising.
Complicating things for Asia are continued strong global growth and the risk that oil prices will climb anew. Next year, bond traders should be on guard for more active interest-rate policies. It may lead to volatile trading in markets.
Third is Japan's tepid return. Investors finally realized this year that Japan's long-awaited recovery wouldn't be as powerful as hoped.
What's more, Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, who has been in office since September, remains vague about his plans for Asia's biggest economy.
Abe has yet to convince investors he will accelerate the economic changes implemented by his predecessor Junichiro Koizumi. Ditto for consumers who are saving more at a time when the government needs them to spend more.
Slower Japanese growth would hardly be good news for Asia or the global economy.
Fourth is the environment. From China's polluted rivers to Hong Kong's smog to Indonesia's forest fires, there is a sense that many parts of Asia are reaching their environmental limits. Once upon a time, the blind pursuit of GDP was possible. Not anymore.
The economic damage caused by environmental degradation will only intensify in the years ahead. Next year, let's hope the phenomenon becomes a bigger blip on the radar screens of Asian leaders and investors. If leaders do not act, the problem will only get larger and pose bigger economic risks down the road.
Fifth is geopolitics. In recent years, the biggest surprises in Asian markets didn't come from GDP reports or inflation scares, but from politics. Scandals, efforts to remove leaders, terrorist attacks and nuclear-weapons tests grabbed the headlines -- and shocked markets -- more than statistics.
North Korea remains a huge wildcard, as do China's relations with Taiwan.
In Thailand, the people are still trying to sort out where the military leaders who grabbed power in September are taking their country.
South Korea, meanwhile, is entering a presidential election year.
Malaysian Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi is increasingly being second guessed by opposition forces. They include former prime minister Mahathir Mohamad and Mahathir's former deputy, Anwar Ibrahim.
And those are just a few of the political risks around the region.
Bottom line, stay tuned for an interesting year in Asia.
William Pesek is a Bloomberg News columnist. The opinions expressed are his own.
The conflict in the Middle East has been disrupting financial markets, raising concerns about rising inflationary pressures and global economic growth. One market that some investors are particularly worried about has not been heavily covered in the news: the private credit market. Even before the joint US-Israeli attacks on Iran on Feb. 28, global capital markets had faced growing structural pressure — the deteriorating funding conditions in the private credit market. The private credit market is where companies borrow funds directly from nonbank financial institutions such as asset management companies, insurance companies and private lending platforms. Its popularity has risen since
The Donald Trump administration’s approach to China broadly, and to cross-Strait relations in particular, remains a conundrum. The 2025 US National Security Strategy prioritized the defense of Taiwan in a way that surprised some observers of the Trump administration: “Deterring a conflict over Taiwan, ideally by preserving military overmatch, is a priority.” Two months later, Taiwan went entirely unmentioned in the US National Defense Strategy, as did military overmatch vis-a-vis China, giving renewed cause for concern. How to interpret these varying statements remains an open question. In both documents, the Indo-Pacific is listed as a second priority behind homeland defense and
Every analyst watching Iran’s succession crisis is asking who would replace supreme leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. Yet, the real question is whether China has learned enough from the Persian Gulf to survive a war over Taiwan. Beijing purchases roughly 90 percent of Iran’s exported crude — some 1.61 million barrels per day last year — and holds a US$400 billion, 25-year cooperation agreement binding it to Tehran’s stability. However, this is not simply the story of a patron protecting an investment. China has spent years engineering a sanctions-evasion architecture that was never really about Iran — it was about Taiwan. The
In an op-ed published in Foreign Affairs on Tuesday, Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) Chairwoman Cheng Li-wun (鄭麗文) said that Taiwan should not have to choose between aligning with Beijing or Washington, and advocated for cooperation with Beijing under the so-called “1992 consensus” as a form of “strategic ambiguity.” However, Cheng has either misunderstood the geopolitical reality and chosen appeasement, or is trying to fool an international audience with her doublespeak; nonetheless, it risks sending the wrong message to Taiwan’s democratic allies and partners. Cheng stressed that “Taiwan does not have to choose,” as while Beijing and Washington compete, Taiwan is strongest when