The results of the mayoral elections in Taipei and Kaohsiung last weekend have great implications for the future development of Taiwanese politics, the dynamics of party competition and the presidential election in 2008.
The Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) dodged the political bullets of a series of alleged scandals surrounding President Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁) and the first family as well as some party members in the run-up to the mayoral elections.
The fact is that the DPP consolidated its hold on the mayoral seat in Kaohsiung, sustained its voter base in Taipei and suppressed an emerging split and power struggle within the party.
The so-called "four big shots" -- potential competitors for the next presidential nomination -- are now on equal footing with Frank Hsieh (
DPP Chairman Yu Shyi-kun is expected to stay in power and lead the party out of its recent political whirlpool. The need for the party to engage in introspection also constitutes Yu's greatest challenge.
Premier Su Tseng-chang's (
It is imperative for the DPP leadership to utilize the national yearning for reconciliation, rational political competition, rejuvenation of the economy and improvement in government efficiency in the remainder of Chen's term to convince voters that it can reinforce institutional reforms and forge clean politics.
In this regard, the bid for presidential nomination -- which is expected to start next spring -- should be driven by internal unity and national development, not by individual or factional interests.
While the public has placed greater emphasis on politicians' ethics more than their performance, the DPP still has the chance to reinvent its image and regain the public's confidence.
The opposition Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT), under Chairman Ma Ying-jeou (
But instead, the polls cast a political shadow on Ma's overrated popularity and fragile leadership.
The so-called "Ma phenomenon" or "Ma miracle" was sidelined by his failure to forge internal reforms in the KMT and to push forward a healthy competitive relationship with the DPP government.
The KMT's failure to win back the Kaohsiung mayorship was a timely reminder to supporters of how looking to Ma to win back power in 2008 was in large measure wishful thinking. It also exposed its Achilles' heel -- a lack of leadership and agenda distinguishing itself from the DPP.
Given the Taiwan Solidarity Union and the People First Party are all facing possible implosion after the mayoral elections -- as witnessed by the latter's Chairman James Soong's (宋楚瑜) announcement that he would retire from politics, and the decreasing influence of former president Lee Teng-hui (李登輝) -- and that a new electoral system will be introduced in the next legislative election, a two-party dynamic will further consolidate. The room for an independent "third alliance" is small.
Therefore, the DPP and KMT are now free from the limits of their alliances and can engage in more rational and institutionally supportive competition. Both parties should recognize the fact that voters are tired of political gridlock and finger-pointing.
Whoever can react positively to this will win in 2008.
Liu Kuan-teh is a Taipei-based political commentator.
From the Iran war and nuclear weapons to tariffs and artificial intelligence, the agenda for this week’s Beijing summit between US President Donald Trump and Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) is packed. Xi would almost certainly bring up Taiwan, if only to demonstrate his inflexibility on the matter. However, no one needs to meet with Xi face-to-face to understand his stance. A visit to the National Museum of China in Beijing — in particular, the “Road to Rejuvenation” exhibition, which chronicles the rise and rule of the Chinese Communist Party — might be even more revealing. Xi took the members
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) and the Taiwan People’s Party (TPP) on Friday used their legislative majority to push their version of a special defense budget bill to fund the purchase of US military equipment, with the combined spending capped at NT$780 billion (US$24.78 billion). The bill, which fell short of the Executive Yuan’s NT$1.25 trillion request, was passed by a 59-0 margin with 48 abstentions in the 113-seat legislature. KMT Chairwoman Cheng Li-wun (鄭麗文), who reportedly met with TPP Chairman Huang Kuo-chang (黃國昌) for a private meeting before holding a joint post-vote news conference, was said to have mobilized her
The inter-Korean relationship, long defined by national division, offers the clearest mirror within East Asia for cross-strait relations. Yet even there, reunification language is breaking down. The South Korean government disclosed on Wednesday last week that North Korea’s constitutional revision in March had deleted references to reunification and added a territorial clause defining its border with South Korea. South Korea is also seriously debating whether national reunification with North Korea is still necessary. On April 27, South Korean President Lee Jae-myung marked the eighth anniversary of the Panmunjom Declaration, the 2018 inter-Korean agreement in which the two Koreas pledged to
I wrote this before US President Donald Trump embarked on his uneventful state visit to China on Thursday. So, I shall confine my observations to the joint US-Philippine military exercise of April 20 through May 8, known collectively as “Balikatan 2026.” This year’s Balikatan was notable for its “firsts.” First, it was conducted primarily with Taiwan in mind, not the Philippines or even the South China Sea. It also showed that in the Pacific, America’s alliance network is still robust. Allies are enthusiastic about America’s renewed leadership in the region. Nine decades ago, in 1936, America had neither military strength
RSS