The "anti-corruption" campaign led by former Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) chairman Shih Ming-teh (
The DPP will hold a demonstration on Ketagalan Boulevard from Sept. 17 to Sept. 20, and will attempt to block anti-Chen protesters from demonstrating every weekend until the end of the year by securing exclusive protest rights.
It seems that the party is entering into an epic competition with the protesters trying to unseat President Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁). This is a serious test for the nation's development, a test that must not be treated lightly.
First, there are the social costs.
The corruption scandals surrounding Chen and his family are having an ongoing impact on the workings of Taiwan's political, economic and social spheres. The recall motion on June 27 and the anti-corruption demonstration are two good examples.
In the last couple of months, those opposing or supporting Chen have made the rest of the community pay a heavy price in the form of intensified ethnic opposition, moral confusion, weakened justice and deteriorating social order.
These unquantifiable costs are seriously depleting the nation's social capital.
Public agitation hinders the government from responding promptly and effectively, and with the government treading water, social capital is rapidly bleeding away.
What will the social cost be of yesterday's anti-Chen protest and today's actions in support of him? Do either of the two sides or the government have a response prepared? These are serious questions indeed.
Then there is the stand-off between the pan-blue and pan-green camps.
Taiwan has expended considerable effort to step out of the shadow of the 228 Incident, but it must be said that so far we have only managed to make that darkness look a little less intimidating. The issue of ethnic background is still being manipulated by people with ulterior motives and has never been resolved. Egotism and greed are the main reasons why green/blue reconciliation seems impossible.
The international media have reported widely on the anti-corruption campaign. Thus far, they see it as rational and peaceful. I want to point out, however, that it is because the Presidential Office, the Cabinet and political parties are responding coolly that the stand-off has not worsened.
However, no one can guarantee what the situation will look like tomorrow.
The public's emotions have been kept under control so far apart from some minor incidents, but will this be the case after yesterday's siege of the Presidential Office and today's pro-Chen demonstration?
This problem is also crucial to guaranteeing Taiwan's security and maintaining its image in the international community. This matter must not be treated lightly, lest Taiwanese as a whole suffer as a result.
The demonstrations must be conducted in a peaceful and rational way. They must not turn into a battle between the pan-green and pan-blue camps. If it does, the days of peace will be over.
I hope that both sides will calmly shoulder this great responsibility so that Taiwan's protest movements will go down in history as calm and constructive.
Li Hua-chiu is a researcher with the National Policy Foundation.
Translated by Perry Svensson
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