It seemed a perfect story. A 10-year-old murder case, a child victim, a dramatic confession in a faraway land and a supposed villain who looked every inch the creepy pedophile.
No wonder the faces of John Mark Karr and JonBenet Ramsey were soon staring out of newspapers, magazines and TV screens across the country. The bloodshed in Iraq and the Middle East was bumped off the agenda as the US media produced saturation coverage of Karr's confession to killing JonBenet, solving one of the US' most notorious crimes. But there was a problem: It was not true.
Karr's exposure as a sick fantasist has prompted a bout of self-recrimination and criticism of US journalism at a time when the profession's stock is already at a pitiful low. For the Karr disaster is far from an isolated case.
The New York Times is also coming under increasing fire for its coverage of an alleged rape involving students at the prestigious Duke University in Durham, North Carolina.
"The Karr and the Duke cases show a rush to judgment that has proven potentially disastrous," says Mark Feldstein, a former CNN journalist and now director of journalism at George Washington University in Washington.
These stories also come after last year's obsessive coverage of teenager Natalee Holloway, who vanished on the Caribbean island of Aruba. Several suspects and an island's way of life were raked over the media coals, but the police have yet to charge anyone with murder.
It has all focused attention on exactly what press freedom means in the US. On the one hand it can mean the right to go after the powerful and prevent the government from keeping information secret. On the other, modern media culture seems more likely to use its freedom to metaphorically lynch anyone accused of a crime.
At the center of the problem is the changing face of television news, and the growth of cable TV channels with 24 hours of screen time to fill. The result is a tendency to leap on simple, graphic stories and milk them. That in turn forces a story into newspapers and weekly magazines.
"It is amazing, but stories like JonBenet would not have been national issues before cable news. Now they get saturation coverage," Feldstein says.
The coverage of Karr's confession and extradition to the US was a case in point. For 10 days the media pored over every aspect of the case. In some ways the focus on Karr seemed a way of apologizing for the previous vilification of JonBenet's parents, who had often been accused of being the killers.
Karr's criminal past was dragged up and his trip back to the US was chronicled in such detail that Americans were told what he had eaten on the plane.
"Solved!" blared the front page of the New York Daily News. The cable channels switched to live coverage. The coverage was surreal, bizarre and a violation of most journalistic ethics taught at media schools.
In the wake of charges against Karr being dropped, the fallout has been equally vicious.
"This giant waste of time and resources occurred at the expense of real news affecting real lives: a major crisis in the Middle East and a war in Iraq that is killing an average of 100 Iraqis a day," blasted media critic Bob Geiger.
Howard Kurtz, the Washington Post's media analyst, was more forthright: "It goes down with the greatest media embarrassments in modern history."
But it is not just tabloid newspapers and cable news channels that are making mistakes. The Duke rape charges have prompted a slew of salacious and speculative stories around allegations of the rape of a black stripper at a college fraternity party held by an overwhelmingly white lacrosse team. Here, it is the New York Times that has come in for most criticism.
The paper has been accused of assuming the students' guilt, as more and more evidence emerges that the woman's allegations may be false. Last week, in a piece in the online magazine Salon, writer Stuart Taylor accused the Times of being "bent on advancing its race-sex-class ideological agenda at the cost of ruining the lives of three young men whom it has reason to know are very probably innocent."
However, most critics would put economics, not ideology, at the heart of why the media -- from supermarket tabloids to the venerable Times -- seem to produce more and more sensationalist journalism: It is simply a ploy to keep readers and make money in a tough market.
"If really serious stories full of balance made money, then newspapers would run them. Media organizations will do what they have to do to make money," Feldstein says.
But there is an upside to the relative freedom the press seems to have been abusing. American journalists have the freedom to pursue the powerful as well as the inane.
US President Donald Trump and Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) were born under the sign of Gemini. Geminis are known for their intelligence, creativity, adaptability and flexibility. It is unlikely, then, that the trade conflict between the US and China would escalate into a catastrophic collision. It is more probable that both sides would seek a way to de-escalate, paving the way for a Trump-Xi summit that allows the global economy some breathing room. Practically speaking, China and the US have vulnerabilities, and a prolonged trade war would be damaging for both. In the US, the electoral system means that public opinion
They did it again. For the whole world to see: an image of a Taiwan flag crushed by an industrial press, and the horrifying warning that “it’s closer than you think.” All with the seal of authenticity that only a reputable international media outlet can give. The Economist turned what looks like a pastiche of a poster for a grim horror movie into a truth everyone can digest, accept, and use to support exactly the opinion China wants you to have: It is over and done, Taiwan is doomed. Four years after inaccurately naming Taiwan the most dangerous place on
In their recent op-ed “Trump Should Rein In Taiwan” in Foreign Policy magazine, Christopher Chivvis and Stephen Wertheim argued that the US should pressure President William Lai (賴清德) to “tone it down” to de-escalate tensions in the Taiwan Strait — as if Taiwan’s words are more of a threat to peace than Beijing’s actions. It is an old argument dressed up in new concern: that Washington must rein in Taipei to avoid war. However, this narrative gets it backward. Taiwan is not the problem; China is. Calls for a so-called “grand bargain” with Beijing — where the US pressures Taiwan into concessions
Wherever one looks, the United States is ceding ground to China. From foreign aid to foreign trade, and from reorganizations to organizational guidance, the Trump administration has embarked on a stunning effort to hobble itself in grappling with what his own secretary of state calls “the most potent and dangerous near-peer adversary this nation has ever confronted.” The problems start at the Department of State. Secretary of State Marco Rubio has asserted that “it’s not normal for the world to simply have a unipolar power” and that the world has returned to multipolarity, with “multi-great powers in different parts of the