The campaign to mobilize one million people in a demonstration calling for the ouster of President Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁) is in full swing. The reason why former Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) chairman Shih Ming-teh (施明德), the ringleader of the campaign, went from being a leader of the dangwai democracy movement to calling for the overthrow of a localized government is worth investigating.
Some believe he was unhappy at not being appointed to Chen's team of national advisors. Others say that his behavior is the action of a lonely has-been revolutionary. Others believe he suffers from the after-effects of totalitarianism and is simply used to solving political issues using popular movements. All these arguments make sense, but they don't seem to hit the nail on the head. Maybe Shih suffers from Stockholm Syndrome, and now takes the side of those who "kidnapped" him decades ago and turns his wrath on pro-localization forces.
Stockholm Syndrome is a psychological condition in which captives held for a long time begin to identify with their captors and even resist rescue attempts. There are several characteristics of Stockholm Syndrome. First, hostages must feel that the captor is threatening their lives. Second, the captors may show the hostage some small kindness. Third, hostages must be isolated from any viewpoint apart from the hostage taker's. Fourth, hostages must believe that escape is impossible. These four characteristics apply to Shih's experiences after his imprisonment in 1962.
In 1959, Shih was admitted to the Army Artillery School. He once said the reason he wanted to attend a military school was that he wanted to stage a coup d'etat against the Chiang Kai-shek (
In 1962, Shih was accused of involvement in the Taiwan Independence Alliance (
In a polite letter, Shih wrote that he was filled with remorse over his past mistakes. He also said that he held the erroneous belief that seeking independence was an effective approach to saving himself and other Taiwanese and that made him violate the law. He stressed that it was foolish to insist on independence, and after admitting his mistakes, he heaped praise on Chiang.
If Shih's letter was intended to beg for mercy only, he would have continued upholding his original ideals upon his release. Facts point to the contrary.
In 1979, Shih was arrested again and sentenced to life imprisonment for a second time following the Kaohsiung Incident.
When defending himself at the court martial in 1980, Shih argued that Taiwan should be independent and that it had in fact already been independent for more than three decades. In 1995, in his capacity as DPP chairman, Shih announced that if the DPP came to power, Taiwan must not and would not declare independence, and that the party would seek reconciliation with other parties.
Judging from what he has said and done since 1980, Shih has done what he said in his letter to Chiang -- relinquished his belief in independence and adopted a new "view" of Taiwan independence.
Shih's letter asking for forgiveness indicates that he gave up on Taiwan independence and began to identify with an anti-Taiwan independence stance in 1966. His letter could thus have been intended to beg for a pardon, or it could be evidence of Stockholm Syndrome. If this argument holds, then Shih's shift from pro-independence to opposing independence and localization all of a sudden makes sense.
Kuo Cheng-deng is the director of the Graduate Institute of Emergency and Critical Care Medicine at National Yang-Ming University and a director of the Taiwan Heart Association.
Translated by Daniel Cheng
After Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) Chairwoman Cheng Li-wun (鄭麗文) met Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) in Beijing, most headlines referred to her as the leader of the opposition in Taiwan. Is she really, though? Being the chairwoman of the KMT does not automatically translate into being the leader of the opposition in the sense that most foreign readers would understand it. “Leader of the opposition” is a very British term. It applies to the Westminster system of parliamentary democracy, and to some extent, to other democracies. If you look at the UK right now, Conservative Party head Kemi Badenoch is
From the Iran war and nuclear weapons to tariffs and artificial intelligence, the agenda for this week’s Beijing summit between US President Donald Trump and Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) is packed. Xi would almost certainly bring up Taiwan, if only to demonstrate his inflexibility on the matter. However, no one needs to meet with Xi face-to-face to understand his stance. A visit to the National Museum of China in Beijing — in particular, the “Road to Rejuvenation” exhibition, which chronicles the rise and rule of the Chinese Communist Party — might be even more revealing. Xi took the members
A Pale View of Hills, a movie released last year, follows the story of a Japanese woman from Nagasaki who moved to Britain in the 1950s with her British husband and daughter from a previous marriage. The daughter was born at a time when memories of the US atomic bombing of Nagasaki during World War II and anxiety over the effects of nuclear radiation still haunted the community. It is a reflection on the legacy of the local and national trauma of the bombing that ended the period of Japanese militarism. A central theme of the movie is the need, at
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) and the Taiwan People’s Party (TPP) on Friday used their legislative majority to push their version of a special defense budget bill to fund the purchase of US military equipment, with the combined spending capped at NT$780 billion (US$24.78 billion). The bill, which fell short of the Executive Yuan’s NT$1.25 trillion request, was passed by a 59-0 margin with 48 abstentions in the 113-seat legislature. KMT Chairwoman Cheng Li-wun (鄭麗文), who reportedly met with TPP Chairman Huang Kuo-chang (黃國昌) for a private meeting before holding a joint post-vote news conference, was said to have mobilized her