There is nothing new about the pan-blue camp's attempts to drive a wedge between former president Lee Teng-hui (李登輝) and President Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁). Ever since the transition of power from the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) to the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) in 2000, certain pro-blue media outlets have aired speculation of a falling-out between the two men.
The most controversial instance occurred just prior to the 2004 presidential election. One outlet cited a remark by a political commentator that "Lee would prefer to stay neutral on this election." In fact, Lee was in no position to be neutral, since that would have weakened Chen and boosted former KMT chairman Lien Chan (連戰) and People First Party (PFP) Chairman James Soong (宋楚瑜). How could Lee want the specter of KMT party-state rule as embodied by the Lien-Soong ticket?
Organized by Lee, the "228 hand-in-hand" rally held prior to the 2004 election was instrumental in Chen's bid for a second term. In light of this, how could Lee take a neutral position on such a milestone as the 2004 poll?
Nevertheless, it appears Chen and Lee have been moving in opposite directions since Chen came to power. On public and private occasions, they have often presented contradictory views on a variety of issues.
Some have sought to take advantage of Lee's reputation to pressure Chen and create a rift between the two. The pro-blue media have jumped at every opportunity to capitalize on rumors of a split to divide Lee and Chen. The question is, therefore, whether Chen and Lee have genuinely fallen out.
The campaign to recall Chen was but saber-rattling, doomed to failure from the outset. On June 9, one pro-pan-blue media outlet ran a story titled, "Lee supports Vice President Annette Lu (呂秀蓮) as president and Legislative Speaker Wang Jin-pyng (王金平) as head of the Cabinet." This was definitely a false report. Since additional articles to the Constitution were completed during Lee's presidency, he must have known that the recall motion against Chen would fail to pass. Since the recall bid was bound to fail, how could Lee support Lu becoming president, or Wang forming a new Cabinet?
When the recall bid came to a close, that same media outlet reported that Taiwan Solidarity Union Legislator Lai Shin-yuan (賴幸媛) and Chang Jung-feng (張榮豐), former adviser to the National Security Council, had met KMT Chairman Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九), hinting that Lee and Ma might try to cooperate. The media outlet even ran a photo taken in 1998 when Lee was campaigning for Ma. But how could Lee ally himself with Ma now?
What's more, the pan-blue camp's drive to topple the Cabinet was also a bluff, for even if the pan-blues can do so, Chen still has the power to appoint the next premier. Whether Lai and Chang have met Ma is unimportant. What counts is that the media outlet once again failed to sow pan-green discord.
On July 2, the same outlet ran a story titled, "Lee says Chen should know when to step down." But even if Lee and Chen's relationship has ruptured, this does not translate into Lee courting Ma. Nor does it mean that Lee has adopted a hostile attitude toward the DPP.
Chen won't be able to seek re-election in 2008, so the rift between Lee and Chen won't affect the next presidential election. In view of Lee's past political proclivities and actions, his next move might not be what the pro-pan-blue media outlets predict.
The recall farce has ended, and the year-end mayoral elections in Taipei and Kaohsiung now take center stage. However, certain pro-pan-blue media outlets still cling to the recall campaign and are taking advantage of Lee to make their point.
Chin Heng-wei is the editor-in-chief of Contemporary Monthly magazine.
Translated by Daniel Cheng
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