The gap between urban and rural incomes and the growing disparity between rich and poor is viewed by the Chinese government as a major factor in the growing social unrest that has threatened the stability of the one-party state. In response to this problem, Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao (
In 2004, China's National People's Congress (NPC) amended the Constitution to stipulate that "legally obtained private property of the citizens shall not be violated," a move viewed by many observers as a major step toward privatization. However, just when the NPC and the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC) were about to convene, Beijing decided to shelve the draft law on property rights, thereby bringing to a halt the legislative process related to property and real-estate ownership. The draft law was initiated 10 years ago and was repeatedly debated in recent meetings of the NPC. The contents of the draft law have also been revised a number of times over the past four years.
The draft law, which aims to protect private property ownership, could have been a milestone in China's drive to build a viable legal system. Unfortunately, some leftist academics recently wrote a letter to the NPC, arguing that the draft law violated the spirit of a socialist Constitution. Bowing to the pressure, Chinese leaders let the reform fizzle.
Over the years China has been attempting to build what it calls "socialism with Chinese characteristics." Since the reign of former paramount leader Deng Xiaoping (
China's development is unevenly distributed, with rich coastal cities and an impoverished hinterland. It is home to 750 million farmers, and agricultural issues are a major headache. If farmers do not have secure ownership rights over their land and assured ownership of their harvest, their motivation to increase production will be low. This is the root of China's problem. Since farmers do not own their land, economic liberalization has led to rampant government corruption in which agricultural land has been forcibly arrogated or urban dwellings demolished by government officials. This is the cause of many of the 70,000 to 80,000 demonstrations every year that plague China.
Taiwan's own agricultural reform began with the April 14, 1949, rent reduction and "land to the tiller" movement, in which agricultural reform was used to support industrial reform. Whether from an economic or social perspective, this was a hugely impactful policy.
China is one of the fastest growing countries in the world, and regulatory conflicts are likely to be a future bottleneck. The security of private property fuels the fundamental spirit of a free economy, and the rule of law is the basis of its operation. The fact that China has retreated back along the road to reform has led its people to doubt the government's commitment to economic development. The fact that reform continues to be delayed has made the gatherings of the NPC and CPPCC, which might otherwise have been historic events, no more than the usual political get-together.
With the Year of the Snake reaching its conclusion on Monday next week, now is an opportune moment to reflect on the past year — a year marked by institutional strain and national resilience. For Taiwan, the Year of the Snake was a composite of political friction, economic momentum, social unease and strategic consolidation. In the political sphere, it was defined less by legislative productivity and more by partisan confrontation. The mass recall movement sought to remove 31 Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) legislators following the passage of controversial bills that expanded legislative powers and imposed sweeping budget cuts. While the effort
When Hong Kong’s High Court sentenced newspaper owner Jimmy Lai (黎智英) to 20 years in prison this week, officials declared that his “heinous crimes” had long poisoned society and that his punishment represented justice restored. In their telling, Lai is the mastermind of Hong Kong’s unrest — the architect of a vast conspiracy that manipulated an otherwise contented population into defiance. They imply that removing him would lead to the return of stability. It is a politically convenient narrative — and a profoundly false one. Lai did not radicalize Hong Kong. He belonged to the same generation that fled from the Chinese
There is a story in India about a boy called Prahlad who was an ardent worshipper of Lord Narayana, whom his father considered an enemy. His son’s devotion vexed the father to the extent that he asked his sister, Holika, who could not be burned by fire, to sit with the boy in her lap and burn him to death. Prahlad knew about this evil plan, but sat in his aunt’s lap anyway. His faith won, as he remained unscathed by the fire, while his aunt was devoured by the flames. In some small way, Prahlad reminds me of Taiwan
Former Hong Kong media magnate Jimmy Lai (黎智英), who on Monday was sentenced to 20 years in jail for his role in the 2019 Hong Kong democracy movement and “colluding with foreign forces,” once called on members of the US government for support in his struggle against the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). Speaking to a forum at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies in July 2019, Lai, speaking about the US having the moral authority over the CCP, said: “It’s like they are going to battle without any weapon, and you have the nuclear weapon. You can finish them in
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