It has been 10 years since the nation's education reforms were introduced. The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) initiated the reforms and pushed ahead with them for six years while it was in power.
In 2000, the Democratic Progressive Party came to power and continued to pursue the reforms for another four years. Now, the reform process has become politically charged, and we have become confused over which political party should be held responsible for current failings.
Let us review educational reform in terms of quality, efficiency and equality to see the contradictory ideas and values that have been in operation.
A first dilemma has been the increasing number of high schools and universities against the quality of students. In 1994, reformers took to the streets, demanding that the government allow more students to go to college to pursue advanced studies.
Over the course of 10 years, there has been an increase in the number of colleges and universities, but many are now worried about the overall quality of institutions of higher learning. In addition, media reports often allege that present-day college students are much less capable than those of the past, and that domestic companies often have difficulty recruiting new talent.
A second dilemma is posed by the deregulation of teacher training. Teacher training programs are no longer the sole preserve of "normal universities," and colleges and universities can now certify teachers.
However, over the past 10 years the supply of teachers has exceeded the demand, so a lot of teachers have had difficulty finding a job. This problem, the extent of which is determined by the market, has led many to reminisce about the policy of the past when teacher training and certification was restricted to schools dedicated to teachers.
A third dilemma is posed by the broadening of the educational base and the embracing of minority groups against the cultivation of excellence and competitiveness. How to allocate the education budget has always been a controversial issue. In terms of promoting equality, the choice between achieving universal education and educating minority groups is one the government cannot ignore.
However, it seems that the ideal of universal education is unlikely to produce excellent students or make efficient use of the education budget, for the size of the budget is always limited. That is, seeking fairness or equality will only undermine the goal of cultivating outstanding professionals.
A fourth dilemma is posed by the use of a single syllabus with different textbooks against a single authorized textbook. Most countries have allowed schools, students and parents to have a range of textbooks to choose from by encouraging the private sector to engage in education publishing.
In Taiwan, the pace of this deregulation has been too fast, and as the National Institute for Compilation and Translation (NICT) is not experienced in reviewing textbooks composed by other publishers, and as the publishers are not experienced in compiling textbooks, there have been significant problems with the quality of the textbooks that have been published.
Confused by the choices, some parents demand that their children study all available textbooks, a situation that completely undermines the spirit of the reforms. People have begun to miss the days of a single authorized set of textbooks published by the NICT. Now the NICT has decided to enter the market to help raise the standard of all textbooks.
A fifth dilemma is posed by different ways of gaining admission to universities against maintaining equality. When the multiple college admission system was designed, it was based on the idea that each student could exert his or her talent to the full, and that students would be freed from the pressure of the Joint College Entrance Exam.
After the system was implemented, many believed that it would only benefit the children of well-to-do families, for only those people can afford to go to cram schools or learn other skills.
As for less well-off families, the new system has only increased the level of inequality.
A sixth dilemma is posed by the reduction of pressure on students against extending learning ability. If there is more than one approach to learning, students do not have to absorb knowledge monotonously and the pressure of their studies can diminish. However, many parents fear that although their children can enjoy learning in such a manner, their scholastic performance will not be enhanced. This seems inconsistent with the hope that less pressure might lead to a better performance.
Since all of these problems are interrelated, we should consider the following issues.
First, it is very difficult to map out an educational system that can satisfy both ends of the educational spectrum.
Second, when people are choosing where they stand on these issues, they might not stand on the same side on each. The spectrum of options is therefore large, and there is a huge need for good communication with the public.
Even so, there is inherent instability with this situation, and policies may need periodic adjustment to meeting changing circumstances.
It has been 10 years since educational reform was first initiated. However, the implementation of the reforms only began five years ago. We do not know yet whether they will be beneficial or futile.
Therefore, education reformers, academics and government officials must cut through the noise of politics and get back to the actual needs of the public on this critical issue.
Chang Ju-ching is a doctoral candidate in the department of education at National Taiwan Normal University.
TRANSLATED BY DANIEL CHENG
A foreign colleague of mine asked me recently, “What is a safe distance from potential People’s Liberation Army (PLA) Rocket Force’s (PLARF) Taiwan targets?” This article will answer this question and help people living in Taiwan have a deeper understanding of the threat. Why is it important to understand PLA/PLARF targeting strategy? According to RAND analysis, the PLA’s “systems destruction warfare” focuses on crippling an adversary’s operational system by targeting its networks, especially leadership, command and control (C2) nodes, sensors, and information hubs. Admiral Samuel Paparo, commander of US Indo-Pacific Command, noted in his 15 May 2025 Sedona Forum keynote speech that, as
As former president Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) concludes his fourth visit to China since leaving office, Taiwan finds itself once again trapped in a familiar cycle of political theater. The Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) has criticized Ma’s participation in the Straits Forum as “dancing with Beijing,” while the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) defends it as an act of constitutional diplomacy. Both sides miss a crucial point: The real question is not whether Ma’s visit helps or hurts Taiwan — it is why Taiwan lacks a sophisticated, multi-track approach to one of the most complex geopolitical relationships in the world. The disagreement reduces Taiwan’s
Former president Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) is visiting China, where he is addressed in a few ways, but never as a former president. On Sunday, he attended the Straits Forum in Xiamen, not as a former president of Taiwan, but as a former Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) chairman. There, he met with Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference Chairman Wang Huning (王滬寧). Presumably, Wang at least would have been aware that Ma had once been president, and yet he did not mention that fact, referring to him only as “Mr Ma Ying-jeou.” Perhaps the apparent oversight was not intended to convey a lack of
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) Chairman Eric Chu (朱立倫) last week announced that the KMT was launching “Operation Patriot” in response to an unprecedented massive campaign to recall 31 KMT legislators. However, his action has also raised questions and doubts: Are these so-called “patriots” pledging allegiance to the country or to the party? While all KMT-proposed campaigns to recall Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) lawmakers have failed, and a growing number of local KMT chapter personnel have been indicted for allegedly forging petition signatures, media reports said that at least 26 recall motions against KMT legislators have passed the second signature threshold
RSS