As the year-end county and city elections approach, partisan calculation has begun to overshadow pan-green unity. The Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) and ally the Taiwan Solidarity Union (TSU) are at loggerheads over the nomination process for the elections -- particularly in Keelung and Yunlin County.
What apparently worries the TSU is that it may soon be swallowed up in a merger with the DPP, given new rules for legislative elections that are expected to favor bigger parties. To increase its leverage in future negotiations, it's only natural for the TSU to play hardball when it comes to talks with the DPP.
But with the potential morale boost for the pan-blue camp after Taipei Mayor Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) won the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) chairmanship election, the pan-green camp should put aside partisan differences and forge closer cooperation.
The DPP and TSU have diverged in their response to recent political developments and cross-strait dynamics. The TSU keeps pressing forward with its campaign to change the national name and enact a new constitution. But those goals contradict President Chen Shui-bian's (陳水扁) more moderate reaction toward China, as seen in the government's low-key reaction to the passage of Beijing's "Anti-Secession Law," its quiet handling of Taiwan opposition leaders' kowtowing visits to China and the Cabinet's announcement of a possible opening of Penghu as an addition to the so-called "small three links" -- which connect Kinmen and Matsu with points in China for limited transport, trade and tourism.
But both parties should bear in mind that the pan-green alliance cannot afford to split simply for the sake of individual electoral concerns. It is time to consolidate pan-green unity and redefine DPP-TSU cooperation.
This explains why Chen emphasized to the TSU his stance of "one principle, three insistences and five oppositions" when he attended the TSU's three-year anniversary celebration.
Protecting Taiwan's sovereignty and negotiating with China under the principle of democracy, parity and peace is the bottom line that binds together not just the pan-green camp but most political parties in Taiwan.
The "three insistences" -- not weakening the nation's convictions over democratic reform, persisting with protecting Taiwan's interests and staying true to the mission of transforming Taiwan into a great and progressive nation -- have long been shared by the DPP and the TSU.
Therefore, there is no reason why the DPP and the TSU should not cooperate in elections and policymaking. Unless, that is, the TSU only cares about its political interests.
As Chen said, the relationship between the two parties should change from the original "brotherhood" to an "alliance of values" and "action partner."
Given that cross-strait relations have entered into a new stage of complexity with international implications, the TSU should take into account both domestic and external concerns and play a supplementary role to the government.
The most difficult problem for the pan-green camp is not how to distinguish the DPP's campaign appeal from that of the TSU. It's rather the degree to which both parties can compete with each other in a decent way.
To resolve the political complications within the pan-green camp, more communication and cooperation is needed. Leaders of the DPP and the TSU must bear the following in mind: Do whatever you can to set yourself up for another pan-green camp victory, and do nothing that will make your next effort more difficult, even it you have to compete with each other.
Liu Kuan-teh is a Taipei-based political commentator.
The first Donald Trump term was a boon for Taiwan. The administration regularized the arms sales process and enhanced bilateral ties. Taipei will not be so fortunate the second time around. Given recent events, Taiwan must proceed with the assumption that it cannot count on the United States to defend it — diplomatically or militarily — during the next four years. Early indications suggested otherwise. The nomination of Marco Rubio as US Secretary of State and the appointment of Mike Waltz as the national security advisor, both of whom have expressed full-throated support for Taiwan in the past, raised hopes that
Whether in terms of market commonality or resource similarity, South Korea’s Samsung Electronics Co is the biggest competitor of Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Co (TSMC). The two companies have agreed to set up factories in the US and are also recipients of subsidies from the US CHIPS and Science Act, which was signed into law by former US president Joe Biden. However, changes in the market competitiveness of the two companies clearly reveal the context behind TSMC’s investments in the US. As US semiconductor giant Intel Corp has faced continuous delays developing its advanced processes, the world’s two major wafer foundries, TSMC and
Authorities last week revoked the residency permit of a Chinese social media influencer surnamed Liu (劉), better known by her online channel name Yaya in Taiwan (亞亞在台灣), who has more than 440,000 followers online and is living in Taiwan with a marriage-based residency permit, for her “reunification by force” comments. She was asked to leave the country in 10 days. The National Immigration Agency (NIA) on Tuesday last week announced the decision, citing the influencer’s several controversial public comments, including saying that “China does not need any other reason to reunify Taiwan with force” and “why is it [China] hesitant
We are witnessing a sea change in the government’s approach to China, from one of reasonable, low-key reluctance at rocking the boat to a collapse of pretense over and patience in Beijing’s willful intransigence. Finally, we are seeing a more common sense approach in the face of active shows of hostility from a foreign power. According to Article 2 of the 2020 Anti-Infiltration Act (反滲透法), a “foreign hostile force” is defined as “countries, political entities or groups that are at war with or are engaged in a military standoff with the Republic of China [ROC]. The same stipulation applies to
RSS