In an interview after watching the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) election forum between Legislative Speaker Wang Jin-pyng (王金平) and Taipei Mayor Ma Ying-jeou (馬英久), Democratic Progressive Party Legislator Lai Ching-te (賴清德) commented that the most significant part of the two men's strategies appeared to be their attempt to cling tightly to KMT Chairman Lien Chan's (連戰) ankles.
This was well said, but I think one could go even further. If you look at how Wang and Ma presented their "views," you can see that the similarities between them are startling. Both kicked off their presentations with an attack on President Chen Shui-bian's (陳水扁) government: this was the classic opening.
This was followed by the elucidation of ideas, namely how the pan-blue camp can control the pan-greens. Next on the agenda was Ma's "three strategies" and Wang's "five duties." This was the "transition" portion of their composition. The conclusion came in the form of a summary of how political power was to be taken back. Does this, or does this not, sound suspiciously like Lien?
Of course, speeches all have a specific structure. But what is interesting is how both men's "views" appear to emanate from the mouth of one man. Surely it can't be that they both attended the same cram-school course on speech-writing. Or is it that they are working under the counsel of one individual? Possibly.
Wang and Ma are already two of the most influential figures in the party, and they know the implications of securing the chairmanship as far as their own power within the party is concerned. They each reacted differently to the idea of Lien running for re-election, based on their own circumstances.
Lien has been in the business a long time, and he must surely have been aware of this. However, with Ma coming on like he was willing to fight it out to the end, he forced Lien to abandon plan A, ie, standing for another term, in favor of plan B, which involves exerting his influence on the new chairman from behind the scenes.
With Wang and Ma scrapping for supremacy, Lien is content to wait on the sidelines in a situation from which he knows he will come out on top, while the two rivals are obediently complying with his scheme of things.
Lien called on Wang and Ma to present their political ideas to the party's Central Standing Committee, effectively "manipulating the situation" (to use his own words) to his advantage by having them both publicly announce that they intend to continue in the direction he has set.
As it turned out, they did a grand job of sucking up to him, although they did fall short of castigating the "populist government" with sufficient vigor. After the duo had finished, Lien stepped in to deliver the conclusion, pointedly warning Chen that he ought to tread carefully after next month. He then took the opportunity to drive home the points that Wang and Ma had omitted.
On the eve of the forum, Lien invited Wang and Ma, ostensibly for "coffee," but more likely to give them their instructions. Media reports have it that Lien had set up an "advisory meeting." It appears this was indeed the case: how else can one explain the parallels between Ma and Wang's views?
Lien's maneuvering has ensured that the direction he has set for the KMT will remain unchanged, as will his policy of Chen-bashing. Now, not only has he elevated his status to above that of the chairman, he can also give directions to whomever his successor is, and continue his unfinished agenda.
Neither Wang nor Ma have shown what they have to offer in this area yet. But one does have to ask: With a party chairman like Lien, will they be able to?
Chin Heng-wei is editor-in-chief of Contemporary Monthly magazine.
TRANSLATED BY PAUL COOPER
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